CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON. by Dr James Kendrick.
Transcribed from the newspaper: Manchester Courier
Published: Serialised Weekly from 8th Jan 1842 through to the 11 June 1842
The author of the following “Contributions” has few preliminary remarks to offer. He has been urged to their publication by many of his friends, who felt an interest in them when brought forward, a short while since, in the form of lectures. Wanting both leisure and inclination to compile distinct volume on the subject, he has selected a periodical of extensive local circulation, as the means of placing his productions within the reach of all.
He has no pretension to antiquarian lore, nor would he have ventured to bring his notes before the public, had not confinement, by tedious and painful accident, afforded an opportunity of examining at leisure a long series of documents connected with the ancient family of the Botillers, of Beausey, the early barons of Warrington, which were liberally allowed for his inspection by the kindness of the Right Hon. the Lord Lilford, in whose possession they now are. Copious extracts have likewise been made from the records in the parish church, and the free grammar-school, founded by one of the Botillers, at Warrington.
From these sources the writer flatters himself to have gleaned information which will amply repay the attention of his readers. With view of rendering the whole, in some degree, connected and complete, has also availed himself of authorities of recent date, amongst which it would be wrong to omit special mention of the ” History of Lancashire,” by Edward Baines, Esq., of Leeds. As part of the subject less likely to interest readers in general, he has omitted entirely the observations on the history of Warrington, Veratinum, during the early British, Roman, and Saxon periods, which he formerly entered into at some length.
Commencing with the Norman Conquest, he refers any who seek for information of earlier date to the accounts given by Mr. Whitaker in his “History of Manchester,” and by Mr. in the work already mentioned. To several gentlemen resident in Warrington he is indebted for information on many local customs and traditions; and Millin Selby, Esq., of Atherton, he has been greatly aided in nis examination of the Boteler documents.
As few notes and references possible have been introduced, but it intended at the conclusion to publish, in the form of an appendix, copies of some ancient charters and pedigrees which have as yet only existed in manuscript, but are*valuable as throwing light upon several of the subjects which will come under consideration in the following ” Contributions to the Early History of Warrington.”
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 8th Jan 1842
No. I.
The Conquest:- the Feudal System. Stations Norman barons in the course of the river Mersey. The Moot Hill at Warrington. Doomsday Survey.
1. When William the Norman, by the event of the battle of Hastings, fought on the 14th of October, AD 1066, had secured to himself the title and privileges of Conqueror of England, the first step of his policy was to reward liberally his kinsmen and followers with the landed possessions and emoluments which he found the hands of Saxon chiefs. With a further view to secure their allegiance, the feudal system of holding estates was enforced on more strict and tyrannical principles than were to be found in any other country. By this system the whole of the landed property of the kingdom was claimed by the king as lord paramount, and he had the power to confer such portions he chose upon such of his followers as he might consider trustworthy or deserving. They, again, had dependents holding portions of the estate, in the same manner the whole was held from the king. For this benefit the vassal was bound in certain duties, such as paying homage, rendering military service when called upon, and paying certain pecuniary fees for the current expenses of his superior lord.
2. In accordance with this system William the Conqueror granted to his valued follower and distant relative, Roger of Poictou, or Pictavensis, a Norman of noble family, all the lands in Lancashire lying between the Ribble and Mersey, comprising the present hundreds of West Derby, Salford, Leyland, and Blackburn. Roger of Poictou appears to have fixed his own residence at Lancaster, and of the allotment adopted by him of his possessions in Lancashire, at least so far as they lay near to, or not very distant from Warrington, we have an account given in the MSS. Mr. George Kenyon, and quoted by Mr. Matthew Gregson, in his “Portfolio of Fragments relative to the History and Antiquities of Lancashire.” “Roger Pictavensis, Earl of Lancaster, prudently stationed his barons in the most dangerous places to preserve his earldom in quiet; first, he built a castle at Liverpool against the passage over the water from Cheshire, and then placed his trusty friend Vivian Molyneux to be governor and castcllanus there in the utmost limits of his earldom and for his greater assistance he placed near to him at Derby his vicecomes Godefridus ; and not far about at or opposite Runcorn, being another passage out of Cheshire, he fixed Yardfrid, another baron, at Widnes; and little above that, at Warrington, another passage, and near unto the church, was the seat of another barony, given to Paganus Villers, to defend the ford at Latchford, before a bridge was made at Warrington ; and at a little distance, at Newton, was the seat of the Banisters, barony, in King John’s time, to strengthen the former, and oppose a high ford or boat, called Holyn Fare Passage, out of Cheshire; and about seven or eight miles higher, at Manchester, to preserve the passage out of Cheshire, at Straitford, as well as to keep guard against another Cheshire barony, called Stocport, he placed Albertus Grelle, an ancient baron.
Note: The baron of Warrington held diverse territories in Derby hundred to be assistant to the baron of Derby, and a fee or two in the hundred of Araunderness.”
3. The site of the early residence of the baron of Warrington, as pointed out by Mr. Kenion, was the circular mound in the field on the east of the parish church, known as the Moot Hill. During the past year several interesting vestiges of the mansion and courtyard have been discovered in the course of excavating the centre of the mound. The narrow ditch, too, at its base, was formerly wide moat, enclosing likewise large tract of land still known as “the Parks.” But for further information on the subject we refer the reader to a detailed account of the Moot Hill, inserted in the Manchester Courier of December 18th, 1841. At what period the building was dismantled and removed is not known, but, so far back as the year 1587, we find by a document in the possession of the Right Hon. the Lord Lilford, that “the scyt of the manor or barronye is decayed, and no byldinge theruppon.” We may hazard conjecture that the removal took place during the reign of Henry 111, when the barony passed from the family of De Villers or Vylers to that of Boteler, of Beausey, near Warrington.
4. Warrington, at the period of the Doomsday Survey, AD 1080 – 86, Was of sufficient importance to give name to the wapentake or hundred in which it was situate, but at what time, along with the adjoining hundred of Newton, merged into that of West Derby is not known. Mr. Baines, in his history of Lancashire, suggests that it probably took place about the period when Roger, of Poictou, for his rebellion against Henry I, was banished, and his possessions seized by the crown. The following is translation of the passage, in Doomsday Book, alluded to : –
“IN WALINTUNE HUNDRED.
King Edward held Walintune with III berewicks.
There is I hide. To this hundred belonged xxxiiii drenghs, and they had as many manors, In which were xlii carucates of land, and one hide and a half.
Saint Elfin held 1 carucate of land, free from all custom but Danegeld.
The whole manor and hundred paid to the king for rent xv pounds, less ii shillings.
There are now ii ploughs in the demesne, and viii vassals with i plough.
These men held land there, Rogerus I carucate of land, Tetbaldus iss carucate, Warinus i carucate, Radulfus v carucates, Willelmus ii hide and iiii carucates, Adelardus i hide and half a carucate, Osmundus i carucate of land.
The whole of this is valued at iiii pounds and x shillings.
The demesne at iii pounds and x shillings.”
A carucate land was so much could be kept in tillage by one plough, and averaged 120 acres.
A hide comprised six carucates.
A berewick was small manor or holding, and the drenghs were such of the original Saxon landowners as had their possessions secured to them by their Norman conqueror.
Saint Elfin was then the patron saint of the parish church of Warrington, and the usual endowment of these establishments was a carucate of land.
The Danegeld was a taxed levied upon the English for the purpose of opposing the incursions of the Danes. It was first levied in AD 991, and was 12 pennies for every hide of land. Subsequently was paid to the Danes to purchase their forbearance. In the year 1010 they were paid £48,000. (folio 279).
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 15th Jan 1842
No. 11
Family of De Villers Transfer of the Barony to the Botillers of Beausey Insurrection of Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester Miraculous Cures at Warrington. Charter for Market and Fairs.
5. Of the family of De Villers, the first barons of Warrington, we possess few memorials, and those of little interest. Air. Baines informs us that Paganus de Villers gave to Gerard de Sanki, the carpenter, carucate of land Sankey, to hold by military service ; and that Matthew de Villers, later baron, gave by charter the service of Ralph de Sanchi, and the advowson of the church of Warrington, to the Augustine Priory of St. Peter, at Thurgarton, in the county of Nottingham. translation of this ancient charter will be given the appendix.
6. Matthew de Villers, at his death leaving no son, the rank of baron of Warrington passed, along with his estates, into the family of Boteler of Beausey, otherwise denominated Pincerna, from one of them having, about the middle of the century, held the office of butler to Ranulph tie Gernons, constable of Chester. This transfer was consequence, as it is said, of the marriage of Almaric Boteler with Beatrice, only daughter of Matthew de Villers. Prior to this event, we have little record the Boteler family, but they were probably, even then, of considerable importance, and, we may suppose, had resided for some time in fortified mansion at Bewsey, near Warrington for, in a Forest Perambulation, taken in I 1228, (12th Henry III.,) we find William, the father of Almaric Boteler, and his heirs, entitled to ” common pasturage Burtonwood, for their cattle store, and mast for their swine,* and timber for their castle, (castrum,) buildings, and fuel.”
7. The pedigree of the Boteler family – “travelled and made owtc of ancient evidence, by me, William Fflower, Esquire, als Norrey Kingc of Armes, the five and twentie of September, in the yeare of owre Lorde Godd, a thousande five hundredth fiftie seven.” the original of which is now in the possession of Lord Lilford. informs us that Almaric Boteler, dying in AD 1234, left two sons, Gawen and William, the former of whom, after enjoying the estate for a few years, died without issue. His brother William, to whom the title of baron of Warrington then devolved, received the honour of knighthood at the hands of Henry 111., and also a grant, (20th October, AD 1255,) for an annual fair of three days duration. He was also sheriff of Lancashire, in 1259. and governor of the castle of Lancaster.
8. But notwithstanding these favours’, we find Sir William le Botiller one of the confederate barons, who endeavoured to wrest the royal authority from the hands of this sovereign. After the battle of Evesham, (4th August, 1265,) in which the king was signally victorious, Sir William was one of the batons who sued for and obtained a reconciliation with the king, (Sept. 1265.) and the sheriff of Lancashire had command to restore his lands.
9. The leader of the insurgents in this rebellion was the celebrated Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, who fell at Evesham, but whose memory was long revered by the people, as that of one who had died a martyr to the liberties of the realm. After his death, he was commonly referred to as “St. Simon the Righteous” – miracles were ascribed to him, and the lower classes murmured that canonization was withheld from him. An ancient Latin manuscript enumerates many of his supposed miraculous cures, and has been recently published by the Camden Society of London. His fame appears have been great this neighbourhood, from the numerous instances in which his aid seems to have been sought by residents in Warrington, and, as it would appear, with invariable success. Thus:-
“Margery de Laburd, of Weryntone, having spasms, and dysentery, and swimming the head, for five weeks, from pain of which she lost her reason, applied the Earl’s fillet, and having wrapped a penny it, she got better. Of this the whole town of Werintone beareth testimony.
“Alyne de Famelesburye, (sic) having certain obscure infirmity for five weeks, applied the Earl’s fillet, and recovered. Of which the aforesaid town bears witness.
“Wyon de Werintone suffered from a blast in his right leg for two years. He dreamed that he was in a certain place where the Earl was, and it seemed to him that the Earl breathed upon him, and his whole complaint vanished.
“Gylbert de Werintone, having a very painful blast for four years, applied the Earl’s fillet, and got well. Of this the whole town of Werintone beareth testimony.
“James de Werintone had a blast, which is called fetre, for ix weeks; applying the Earl’s fillet, and wrapping penny, he got well.
These six (sic) happened in the aforesaid town upon the Merse, that is upon the banks of that river.
“Alicia, sister of William, the rector of the church of Werintone, suffering from a sudden windy swelling on the right side of the head, and right side of the face down to the neck, in consequence of which it was feared that she would be carried off by a sudden death, and she listening to the counsel of certain of her attendants, applied Earl Simon’s fillet, and recovered. Of this fact the aforesaid William beareth witness, who brought the votive candle to Evesham.
“Memorandum, yjay the said William told me a wonderful thing, saying that when he, after the battle fought at Evesham, took with him into the country some earth from the spot where the Earl fell, and had taken it into his keeping a piece of cloth, a certain layman of the name of (sic) was sick even to death, so that he had received the holy Eucharist, and lay for two days without speech. Earl Simon appearing to him in his sleep, as it seemed to him, told him that he should beseech the said William, that he would give him small portion of the said earth, which he had in his keeping, and that he should mix it with water, and use it for drink; which being done, the said patient recovered his health.
“Sir Heliseus, dean of Werynton, deprived of sight for three years, recovered: having applied the fillet of the Earl, Of this, witness is borne by all who speak of it between Ribbel and Merse, that is, between those two rivers.
“Roger, dean of Werintone, confined with so severe an infirmity in the right knee, on the Sunday before Christmas of the present year, that he could not move from the place where he sat, nor bear that any one should lend an helping hand, nor unguent, nor plaster, at last called to mind the martyrdom of Earl Simon, and was well immediately so that on Christmas day he fulfilled his sacred duties without hinderance, nor hath he hitherto felt any symptom of infirmity in any other part. Testimony of this is borne by Richard, called the hermit who brought his candle to Evesham.”
10. To return to our notice of Sir William le Botiller, we find him, on the 7th of November AD 1277, receiving from King Edward I. a renewal of his charter for the fair, which had probably been withdrawn for his treasonable defection from Henry 111., and likewise an extension of it to eight days, together with weekly market on the Friday. Eight years afterwards we find his grandson, of the same name, obtaining charter for a second annual fair, and authorising the removal of the weekly market from Friday to Wednesday, it now exists.”
11. Lastly, we find the advowson of the church of Warrington, which had been ceded by Matthew de Villers, (5) to the priory of Thurgarton, re-granted to Sir William Botiller, by the prior of Thurgarton, together with lands in Crophill, in Nottinghamshire, “to hare and to hold freely and rightfully any of his ancestors.”
This apparently the most ancient of the very many documents connected with the Boteler family, now in the possession of Lord Lilford. (See appendix.) There are others of nearly the same date, which a Richard le Botiller is spoken of, though no mention is made of him in Flower’s pedigree the family. Sit William le Botiller died in 1281. His wife’s name was Sibilla.
Note: “At this period, the rearing swine in large herd* was customary. the season of autumn, when acorns and beech mast were ripe, the swine were driven into the forest, under the guardianship of serfs low degree, whose chief occupation was beating the branches the trees to shake down the fruit for the swine to feed upon.”
Note: “The mode of spelling the family name the Botillers was subject to great variations: statement which it is necessary to make, since the same peculiarity will be here repealed, but invariably upon the authority documents connected with the respective periods of time.”
Note: “The fillet here spoken was a bandage which had been passed round the relics the saint, and when made use of, was bound round the forehead of the sufferer.”
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 22nd Jan 1842
No. 111.
Manorial Rights the Baron of Warrington – Extract from Kuerden’s MSS – Early Boteler Documents. Robert Werrintone; Prior of Whally – Sir John le Botiller in France, as given by Froissart. – Summonses to Parliament.
12. Of Henry le Botiller, the son Sir William* we possess no record; and it is not unlikely that he died without coming into possession the” barony, since we find his son Sir William, in the 10th year the reign Edward I. (AD 1282, only one year after the death of his grandfather,) receiving docket of commission, empowering him fo press 1000 men, capable of bearing arms, into the king’s service the Welsh wars.
13. Ten years afterwards (AD. 1292) Sir William le Botiller was called Upon, virtue a writ of Quo Warranto, to produce the charters whereby was privileged to hold the weekly market and fairs at Warrington, which he did to the satisfaction the jury.; proving also tils to enjoy free warren, or the sole liberty of chase, his manors Sankey, Penketh, Warrington, and Laton in the Fylde. connection with the market and fairs, he claimed the right assize, or regulation of the price of bread and beer, and lastly, he claimed also wreck of the sea Laton, and gallows in Warrington, from the time of King William the Conqueror, and ever after without any interruption of time. wreck of the sea is implied not only goods which come from a perishing ship, but whatever else the sea might cast upon its shore, pearls, fish, &c. exercising the privilege of gallows in Warrington, the lords of the manor claimed the right or jurisdiction of punishing felons hanging, and in the case of females drowning the fossa or pit. That the former of these punishments was anciently exercised by the early barons of Warrington, we have little reason to doubt, since the field upon which the Blue Coat School now stands was, until late period, known as the “Gallows Croft,” and certainly appears the best site for the purpose, both from its elevation above the surrounding neighbourhood, and likewise from its being at the ” Town’s End,” the place to which criminals were in most cases removed for execution.
14. In connection with this locality we may introduce the following extract from the MSS. of Dr. Kuerden in the Manchester College Library: “That Jas. Mills alias Paynter, late of Warrington deceased, by bis last will bequeathed to Alis Wolly, then wife of Robt. Wolly one close called Gallows Acre in Warrington out of wh’h 40s. in money or wollen cloaths to the poor of Warrington for ever, which since hath been yercly pay’d after the death of Rob. Wolly John Ashar, who enjoyed the same in right of Alis his wife, for the space of years. Jo. did undertake the payment during his life account that such yearly distribution should be rendered to the minister of Warrington for the time being. Decreed that Job. Ashurst and others that shall become occupiers of the said close shall pay yerelie to the Overseer of the poor of Warrington 40s. and all arrears before 2 Feb. next, to be employed as aforesaid.”
15. Connected with the history of this Sir William le Botiller, and of his wife, whose name, like that of his mother, was Sibilla, there are many highly interesting documents the possession of Lord Lilford, more particularly as referring to Warrington and its neighbourhood. Thus, a deed of the year 1305, we find an earlier mention of the bridge over the Mersey at Warrington than has been hitherto discovered.
Indeed, another charter of Sir William le Botiller, which bears easy proof of still earlier date, makes similar mention of the bridge, and further speaks of brethren of the order of St. Augustine Warrington;
Certainly the earliest record we possess of the existence a priory here. The “Marketh Yate” is also spoken of at this early period – a fuct of some interest, since upwards five hundred years are thus proved to have passed without alteration the name of this well-known locality. A “newe streete” is also mentioned, which does not now exist, though from the description afforded these ancient charters there is some reason for believing that it occupied the site of the present Friar-gate.
16. Though deviating in some measure from the history of Warrington, vet we may briefly state, that from two of the Townley MSS. cited by Dr. Whitaker his “History of WhaHey,” a Robert Weritone appears to have been, the early part of the fourteenth century, prior the Cistercian Abbey of Whalley. In the first of these documents his name appears as one of those present at the dedication part of the Abbey, a short time subsequent to its translation from Stanlaw in Cheshire. In the second he is party in a contract for the sale and delivery of quantity of wool. The former of these bears date AD 1300; the other is without any. In the 1328 we find the same Robert de Weritone entrusted with brief enabling him to collect in various parts of the kingdom of England, to erect a chapel in the city of Pontefract in Yorkshire, on the spot where Thomas Earl of Lancaster, a patron and firm friend of the monks of St. Augustine, was beheaded for having taken up arms against Edward 11., oo rather against his favourites, the Spencers. The death of Robert de Werintone is said to have taken place on the 3rd of April, 1348, at Whalley.
17. The son of Sir William le Boiiller (also a Sir William le B.) was living in the reign of Edward 111, but no facts of general interest can be gleaned from the documents which refer to the period when he held the barony. The name of his wife was Elizabeth, and at his death his second son John succeeded to the title and estates, in consequence of the death of his elder brother Richard without issue.
18. Sir John le Botiller is mentioned by the French historian Froissart, and appears to have distinguished himself by his gallantry the war Brittany in the year 1342, when he sided with the Countess De Montfort against Lord Charles of Blois, who held the lady’s husband captive, and usurped his possessions. Sir John le Botiller being sorely wounded at the siege of the Castle of Roche Perion, was taken prisoner, along with Sir Matthew Trelawney, and confined in the town of Faouet. Their adventures whilst in captivity, and their fortunate rescue the gallant Sir Walter Manny, cannot be better given than the words of their chronicler Froissart:- “On a day Sir Louis of Spain came to the tent of Lord Charles of Blois, and desired him boon, for all the service that ever lie had done, in the presence of several lords of France ; and Lord Charles granted it, because he knew himself so much bound to him. ” Sir,” quoth he, “I require you cause the two knyghts that are in prison at Faouet, that is to say Sir John Botiller and Sir Matthew Trelawncy, and to give them to me, to do with them according to my pleasure; sir, this is the gift that I desire of you; they have chased, disconifitted, and wounded me, and have slain my nephew Alphonso. I cannot tell how otherwise to be revenged of them; but I shall strike off their heads before the town, in the sight of their companions. “At these words Lord Charles was abashed, and said, “Certainly, with a right good will I give you the prisoners, since you have desired them; but surely it would sham< deed to put so to death two such valiant knights these; it will be an occasion to our enemies to deal in like manner with any of ours, if they fall in like case, and we know not what shall daily "fall, be chances of war be divers; wherefore, dear cousin. I require you be better advised." Then the Lord Louis said, "Sir, if the keep not promise with me, know the for truth, that I shall depart out of your company and shall never serve nor love you again, while I live.' When Lord Charles saw none other boote he sent to Faouet for the two knyghts, and in a morning were brought to the Lord Charles of Blois' tent; but for all that he could desire he could not turn Lord Louis of Spain from his purpose; but said plainly they should beheaded anon after dinner. he was so sore displeased with them. All these word between Lord Charles and Lord Louise for the accession of these two knights, soon was come to the knowledge of Sir Walter Manny, certain spies, that the mischief that these two knights were in. hen be called his company, and took counsel what west do; some thought one thing, some thought another; but they wish not what remedy to find. Then Sir Walter Mannv said, Sirs, it would be great honour for us, we might deliver out danger yonder two knights; and we put it in adventure, though we fail thereof, yet King Edward, our master will give us much thank therefor, and will all other noble men that hereafter shall hear oi case least it will be said that we did our devoir. Sirs, this is mv advice, if the will follow- it, lor thinks a man should well adventure bis body to save the lives of two such valiant knights; mine advice fc, that divide ourselves into two parties, the one party to issue immediately out at this gate, and to arrange themselves on the dykes, to thoost, and to skirmish. I think that all the whole host will come running thither; and * At the so*.says, What's become of all the money
Sir Aymery Clisson, you shall captain of that company, and take with you 6000 good archers and 300 men of arms; and I will take with me men of arms and archers, and I will issue silently out by the postern, and will dash into the host among the lodgings behind, the which I think shall find as good as void. I shall have such with me will readily bring me to the tent of Lord Charles of Blois, where I think shall find the two knights prisoners, and I ensure you we will do one devoir to deliver them.” This device pleased them all, and without delay they armed them; and about the hour of dinner Sir Aymery de Clisson issued out with his company, and set upon the chief gate towards the host, and some of them dashed suddenly into thost, and cut down tents, and slew and hurt many ; the host was m a sudden fear, and in haste armed them, and drew towards the Englishmen and bretons, who steadily and slowly fell back; there was strong skirmish, and many a man overthrown on both parties. Then Sir Aymery drew his people along on the dykes within the barriers, and the archers ready on both sides the way, to receive their enemies; the noise and cry was so great that all the host drew thither, and left their tents empty, saving a few servants In the mean season Sir Walter Manny and his company issued out at a postern privily, and came behind the host, and entered into the lodgings of the French lords, for there were none to resist them, – all were at the skirmish. Then Sir Walter went straight to the Lord Charles of Blois’ tent, and found there the two knights prisoners. Sir Matthew Trelawney and Sir John Boteler, and made them immediately leap upon two good horses, which they had brought thither to the same intent, and galloped away rapidly to Hennebon, the same way they issued out- the Countess De Montfort receiving them with great joy.” – Translated from of Froissarfs Chronic, ii. 8.
19. Sir John le Botiller, after bis return to England, was summoned to several of the parliaments of Edward 111. at Westminster, Northampton, and Shrewsbury, by the title of “Lord Boteler of Beausey.” This was at period when the representatives sent to parliament received a remuneration for their attendance. Sir John Le Botiller as one of the knights of the shire, received eight shillings per diem during the sitting of parliament.” The custom of allowing wages the members,” says Fosbroke, “continued so low Elizabeth’s reign.” The last parliament which Sir John sat was called the year 1398, and he probably died soon after, leaving his wife (Alicia Plumpton”) an only son William, Henry, another son, having died young.
WARRINGTON CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 29 Jan 1842
No. IV.
Sir William le Botiller.- Outrage upon the Lady Isobell le Botiller. – Bewsey Halt at an early period, and at modern times – Legend of the White Rabbit of Bewsey
20. Sir William le Botiller, son of Sir John, was summoned to parliament at Westminster in the year 1407, but was the last of the family who received this distinction. He died in 1416, and his afterwards marrying William Ferrars de Groby, his son John, born at Bewsey in the year 1402, was placed in the wardship of Sir Piers Dutton, of Dutton in Cheshire.
21. Of this Sir John le Botiller we possess no record of interest sufficient to bring forward, but dying at the early age of twenty nine he left a widow, the Lady Isabell, upon whom an outrage was perpetrated strongly characteristic of the lawless condition of the period, It is recorded in the Rolls of Parliament for the year 1437 that a petition was presented by the house of commons to the King Henry VI, on behalf of Isobell widow of Sir John Boteler of Bewsey complaining that this lady being at “her house of ßeausey” on Monday next before the feast of St James the Apostle, one William Poole of Liverpool gentleman came with a great number of other mis doers to her house, and carried her away to Birkhede (now Birkenhead,) and thence to the Parish Kirk of Bidstone there forcing her to marry him against her will” It was enacted that if William Poole did not yield himself after proclamation made against him, that he should be taken as a traitor attainted. The final result is not known, but the Lady Isobell died about 4 years afterwards, leaving an only son John, of whom more hereafter.
22. We shall take the present opportunity to introduce a brief notice of the ancient Hall of Bewsey the seat of successive generations of the Boteler family. The earliest allusion which we find to the existence of their residence here is in the Forest Perambulation, temp. Hen. III., already quoted ( 6), in which we find that William le Botiller, or Pincerna, the father of Almaric, was privileged to cut timber in Burton-wood “for his castrum (castle or fortified mansion), for his buildings, and for fuel.” The site of this early edifice was probably the same as that of the present one; for a stone bridge over the moat at the back of the house is in part constructed of stones which have at one time apparently belonged to a more massive building than the present Hall, whilst other blocks have as clearly formed the pillars of a strong gateway. At what period this ancient structure was superseded by what now remains is uncertain; but we have every evidence that Bewsey was without interruption the residence of the Botillers, from the series of documents which for a long period of years are dated from this place.
23. The style of the present building is considered by many to belong to the reign of Elizabeth, but there are several facts which seem to carry it back to a period still more remote. There is still shown, for example, the very probable traces of a foul murder committed here, as we shall shortly speak of at large, of one of the Botillers in the reign of Edward IV. and their existence is incompatible with the supposition that the Hall had been taken down subsequently. In the record of the abduction of the Lady Isabell Boteler, just quoted, we find it termed “her howse of Bewcy,” and, lastly, we have no record whatever of the pulling down and rebuilding in the family documents, though, in connection with this period, they are very numerous and complete. Indeed, the generality of them afford clear evidence that none of the later Botillers had sufficient pecuniary resources to embark in such an undertaking.
24. Until the middle of the last century the Hall of Bewsey was a much more imposing structure than at the present day, and its park and pleasure-grounds extending far beyond their present limits. In a survey of the barony, taken in the time of Queen Elizabeth, at the instigation of Sir Robert Duddely, its then possessor, we find it described as “the Mannor howse of Beawsey with the owt howses there unto, and the Parke wherein it standeth containing ccxii acres of the great measure, being xxiiii feet to the poule, wherein is xxix deere and a hearonrye, are worthe p. ann. to be lett, beside the keepinge of the deere lx li.” A large portion of the Hall was accidentally burnt down about the middle of the last century, whilst in the occupation of Richard Atherton, Esq., though the extensive vaulted cellars have been lately discovered in a very perfect state.
On the occasion of the clandestine visit of the young Pretender to this country, in or about the year 1760, a dining room was hurriedly built upon the site of the ruins, to allow of a due exhibition of the hospitality of the then tenant of Bewsey towards the luckless adventurer. Until a very few years back, when this modern portion of the building was taken down, the symbolical ornaments and decorations of the dining-room still remained, though tradition asserts that so fleeting was the enjoyment that Prince Charles took his departure from the feast in such haste as to afford no time for removing its remnants from the dinner-table.*
25. Like most other ancient structures, Bewsey has its legend of faëry. Its lords have neither a ghastly friar nor a withered banshee to warn them of approaching misfortune; but this office, as the tale goes, is assigned to a beautiful white rabbit, which for time immemorial has visited the possessor of Bewsey, and as surely has its appearance been followed by the inroads of death or misfortune. In the noon-day ride, or the evening stroll, this timid wanderer from the world of spirits is seen sporting in the path of the lord of the domain. It escapes scatheless from the gun of the keeper or the keen scent of his canine assistant; nay, even when hemmed in by a circle of officious rustics, it has been known to vanish like “the baseless fabric of a vision,” leaving its pursuers to grasp the empty air, and to tell of its wondrous escape by the winter fireside. To show a doubt of the truth of this legend amongst the tenants of the estate, would be to incur a heavy charge of scepticism and incredulity. Of late its visits have been “few and far between,” possibly from the long absence of its possessor; but the White Rabbit of Bewsey still remains – a fertile source of terror to froward infancy, and the marvel of mature years.
26. Nor is the interior of the mansion without its ghostly visitant. The shade of one of its early lords still haunts the scene of his pomp and revelry, as it was also that of his untimely and dreadful death. Report too adds, that whenever a new domestic is added to the establishment, so surely at the dread hour of midnight is the heavy tread of a man in armour heard ascending the creaking staircase, and pacing solemnly to the door of the intruder’s sleeping apartment; the handle is grasped, and shaken with appalling force. Here, however, the alarm ceases; for, after this manifestation of his presence, the sprite retraces his measured steps, and descending the staircase leisurely, is heard no more, until a similar change in the household calls forth a repetition of his visit.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON
Published: 5th Feb 1842
No. V.
Murder of Sir John Botiller at Bewsey, in the reign of Edward IV. – Account given in the Bodleian MSS. Proofs and Vestiges of its Occurrence.
27. In resuming the history of the Boteler family, we come next in succession to Sir John Botiller, third of that name, to whom we briefly alluded at the close of paragraph 21. In connection with the period during which he held the barony of Warrington we have few records, and those possessed of little general interest. The manner of his death, however, alleged by tradition to have taken place by the hands of assassins, and enveloped as it is in considerable mystery, has contributed especially since the genius of a late local poet, in his poem of “Bewsey,” has added greatly to the romantic interest of the account.
29. “Sr John Butler K. was slaine in his bede by the L. Standley’s procurement, Sr Peirs Levgh and Mr William Savage joyninge with him in that action (corrupting his servants) his porter setting a light in a windowe to give knowledge when the watch (that watched about his house at Bewsey) where gone away to their owne homes. Then they came over the moate in lether boats* and soe to his chamber where one of his servants called Houcroft was slaine beinge his chamberlaine, the other brother betrayed his Mr. they promised him a great reward, and he going with them away they hanged him at a tree in Bewsey parke. After this Sr John Butler’s La: pursued those that slewe her husband and indyted xx men for that sartes (sarvis?), but being maryed to the L. Gray he made her sutes voyd: for which cause she parted from her husband the L. Graye and came into Lancasteryre, and said if my L. will not helpe me that I may have
“But yet th’ historic page records a tale
Crimson’d with blood, when ev’n these stately walls,
As yet uninjur’d by the shocks of time,
Could not the sword of massacre repel
From their own guarded lord; for civil strife
Bade here dark murder his fell poignard steep
In the defenceless breast, &c. &c.” – Bewsey, a Poem,
by the late John Fitchett, Esq., 1796.
Sir John Botiller was twice married: first, to Anna Savill, and secondly, to Margaret Stanley, sister of the Lord Stanley, afterwards Thomas, first Earl of Derby. The story of his murder at Bewsey has been traditionary in the neighbourhood from time immemorial. We have direct evidence of its existence for a century back; but it is only within a comparatively short period that the general belief has received a singular confirmation from a manuscript in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, written in the reign of Charles II. This interesting document was first brought into public notice by the late John Fitchett, Esq.; but as there have been several copies taken and circulated, each differing in some degree from the others, the following has been transcribed by an individual qualified for the undertaking, which the extrem husband the L. Graye and came into Lancastershyre, and said if my L. will not helpe me that I may have my will of myne enemies, yet my body shall be buried by him, and caused a tombe of Alablaster to bee made where she lyeth upon the right hand of her husband Sir John Butler.
The occasion of his murther was this. The King H. 7. being to come to Lathom the Erle of Darby his brother in law sent unto him a messenger to desire him to weare his cloath at that tyme, but in his absence his Lady said she scorned that her husband should wayte on her brother, being as well able to entertayne the king as he was, wch answer the erle took in great disdayne and prosecuted the said Sir John Butler with all the malice that could be. And amongst other things the sd Sr John had a ferry att Warrington wch sd ferry was worth 100 marks by the year when there were then no bridge, and the erle being crossed that the sd Sir Jo. would not suffer him to enjoy the same wthout his leave, the sd Sir Jo. would not suffer him to go about by Manchester.
Whereupon the Earle bought a piece of land of one Norris of Warrington by wch means he was privileged to get claye to ramme with all, and on the other side he bought land and so builded the bridge at Warrington on bothe sides being his owne land, and the said Sir John Butler being the bridge was builded did notwithstanding exact and take toll and taxe of all passengers as before. Whereupon the Earle caused the king to make it free. For these and such like discontents they took one against another and Sr Piers and Willm Savage that sided with erle made trenches upon Warrington heath, were to be seen not long since before the inclosing of the sd heath, so in the end during that they corrupted his servants and murthered him in his bedd, his lady, called La. Margaret, att that instant being att London, did dreame the same night that be was slayne that Bewsey hall did win blood, whereupon she presently came homewards and heard way the report of his death.”
30. The MS. from which this is copied in the handwriting of Roger Dodsworth, who was employed by Sir William Dugdale, at the time was engaged his celebrated work, the Monasticon,” to gather for him from various parts of the country such information as was suited to his purpose. Dodsworth appears to have taken the same opportunity of recording the various legends and traditions which were prevalent in the places he visited, and from his quoting no authority for his account of the murder of Sir John Botiller, we are led to believe that he obtained his information from the same somewhat questionable source. This will account for several very prominent discrepancies in the narrative, which have appeared to many so irreconcilable as to lead to their belief that the whole is nothing more than ingenious fabrication. There are, however, certain circumstances connected with it, more especially the names of the parties concerned, which authorize us to believe that part at least of the account is true, and to these points it will not be uninteresting to devote a small portion of our attention.
31. the first place, we find that for a period of twenty-six years after the last mention of Sir John Botiller in the series of documents connected with the family which are still preserved, there is not a single record of any kind, until we find Sir Thomas Boteler, son of Sir John, at the end of this period, viz., in the 21st Edw. IV. (AD 1482,) receiving the manor of Warrington from feoffees to whom it had been entrusted, probably the form of wardship; and in the next year, to make use of a law term, Sir Thomas “sues livery” (i.e. delivery) of his lands under the Duchy Seal, heir to his father Sir John Botiller, another circumstance strongly tending to prove that the estates yvere vested in wardship during the nonage of their owner Sir Thomas. These two facts will perhaps afford us the means of making a near approximation to the actual date of the murder, for the statement of Dodsworth’s manuscript on this head is clearly erroneous. Tradition asserts, – (and, as it will be found in other points to conform very closely with the probable facts of the murder, it may be allowed to obtain here also,) – that at the moment of the perpetration of the murder, the infant heir, Sir Thomas, was borne away from the house by a maid-servant, wrapped up and concealed in her garments. As this is not improbable, we may suppose him to have been then aged about twelve months, nnd, adding to this twenty years to allow of his coming of age, of which we have the probable date in the record of his ” suing livery,” and coming into possession of the manor, the murder of his father must have taken place about the 2nd year of the reign of King Edward IV., AD 1462. This we shall find to agree perfectly with other circumstances.
32. All the pedigrees of the Boteler family are silent concerning the death of this Sir John; even that given Mr. Baines in his ” History Lancashire,” though specifying the date of the decease of the other Botillers, has” no record of his. Though this fact in no degree proves that the murder really took place, yet we may fairly suppose that some circumstance more than common is the reason of this deficiency.
33. Perhaps may cause smile of incredulity to adduce the reputed blood spots on the floor at Bewsey, as adding any weight of proof; but v, hen we find Sir Walter Scott bringing forward the blood-stains at Holyrood as pointing out the precise spot Rizzio’s murder, the marks at Bewsey are worthy of at least a passing notice. Those seen at are much more distinct and defined than ; but besides their more recent date, must borne in mind that Mary Queen of Scots insisted on blood itself left untouched, to remain a permanent incentive to her future revenge. The marks Bewsey are more probably caused the spilling blood on the spot, than any other substance; they are certainly not produced by oil or any greasy matter, for tire stain”. is evident parts from which it has been removed the hatchet, is confined to very thin stratum on the surface. Had it been produced oil, the Marks would have penetrated deeply into the wood; The blood-stains, if they be such, arc likewise found on the spots where tradition asserts the murders have been perpetrated, namely, that of Sir John his bed, and that Bilcroft, the chamberlain, the door of his lord’s room. The spots are found the centre of. the room, at the door, and in a small passage leading to it; portions the wainscot, which formerly coveted the walls, are likewise said to have been stained in a similar manner. Upon the whole, therefore, they may be considered as adding somewhat to the evidence in favour of the truth the tradition, and such not undeserving of the brief notice we have, bestowed upon them.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON
Published: 12th Feb 1842
No. VI.
Account of the Murder of Sir John Botiller concluded – its probable Perpetrators.
34. Turning our attention, in the next place, to the perpetrators of the murder of Sir John Botiller, the Bodleian MS. states it to have been effected by Sir Peers Legh and Mr. William Savage, at the instigation of the Lord Stanley. The Sir Peers Legh of this period resided at Bradley Hall, in Burtonwood, only a small portion of which now remains, within a few miles of Bewsey. He had married Ellen Savage, of Clifton, near Rocksavage, in Cheshire, who, as shewn by the family pedigree, had a brother William. The singular accuracy with which the names of parties are given in the MS. both in this instance, as is more than probable from the family alliance, as also in that of Sir John and Lady Margaret Botiller, together with the subsequent marriage of the latter with Lord Grey, of Codnor, after a lapse of nearly two hundred years from the date of the occurrence, is strongly confirmatory of its being a true detail of facts.
35. The following is an extract to our purpose, from an ancient pedigree, in manuscript, of the Legh family: – “Sir Peter Legh son & heir of Sir Peter Leigh knt. married Ellen, dawr. & heir of Sir John Savage, of Clifton, knight, and had issue, Peter, James, and Margaret. This Sir Peter took upon him religious orders, and was consecrated Priest. He slew Sir Thomas (John?) Butteleer of Bewseye, knight, & for the same was forced to build Disley Church for his penalty of his own costs & charges. 1527”. *Sir Peers Legh lies buried at Winwick, near Warrington, and a brass monumental tablet at the entrance of the Legh’s Chapel informs us, not only that he married Ellen Savage, of Clifton, but likewise that he at her decease (AD 1491,) took priest’s orders, and died during the time that Disley Church, still in the gift of the Leghs, was in process of building.
LATIN: “Orate pro animabus probi viri Domini Petri Legh militis, hic tumulati, et Dominæ Elené ux: ejus Filiæ Johannis Savage Militis, cujus quidem Elene corpus depositum apud Bewgenett, 17 die Mensis Maii Anno Domini Millessimo cccc lxxxxi. Idem Petrus post ipsius Elene mortem in Sacerdotem canonice consecratus obiit apud Lyme in Hanley xi die Augusti Anno Millessimo ccccc xxvii.”
TRANSLATION: “Pray for the souls of that worthy man Sir Peter Legh knight, buried here, and of Dame Ellen his wife, daughter of John Savage knight, the body of which Ellen was buried at Bewgenett, 17th day of May, Anno Domini 1491. The said Peter, after the death of the said Ellen consecrated a Priest, died at Lyme in Hanley, on the 11th day of August, anno 1527.”
36. Amongst the Boteler documents is an Award, bearing date early in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, whereby we learn that for the three generations succeeding the death of Sir John Botiller, there was strife between the houses of Boteler and Legh. – “Fyrst it is awarded ordered and determyned between Sr. Peter Leigh knyght on thone partie, and Thomas Butler esquire on thother partie, and the sd. p’ties for them theire heires &c. do covente and graunte by these p’sents to and with the other in man’r and form following, – Ffyrstethat they shall from henceforth be lovers and friendes &c. * * * * * And whereas of long time heretofore there hath beene greate controversie contencion debate and suite between Sr. Peter Leigh knt. and Peter Leigh esquire father to the sd. Sr. Peter Leigh that nowe is, and Sr. Thomas Butler knyght and Thomas Butler esquire his sonne, father to the sd. Thomas Butler yet now is of for and concerning the inheritance ryght title and interest of for in and to certain Seigniories in and about Sockeye littell Warrington and Over.
37. In alleging that Thomas, first Earl of Derby, then Lord Stanley, was accessory to the murder of Sir John Botiller, the statement of Dodsworth is singularly inconsistent with several well-known facts. The first cause of disagreement between the Earl and Sir John is said to have been the refusal of the latter to swell the number of the Earl’s retinue on the occasion of the visit of King Henry VII and his queen to Lathom, in the year 1496. But at this period the manor of Warrington was not held by Sir John Botiller, but by his son Sir Thomas, whom we have already (31,) produced evidence to shew that he came into possession at least thirteen years previously. The bridge that was erected by the Earl on the occasion of the king’s visit, and, consequently, could not be the cause of a dispute between him and Sir John; but that such a difference did really arise between the Earl and Sir Thomas Boteler is clearly recorded – “Thus, in the 8th year of Henry VIII. the following pleadings respecting Claim to Lands and Bridge Toll. Warrington, versus Holt and Isabella his wife, and others of the king and his officers. Claim of Right to Toll of the Waters of Mercy, and Repair of Bridge Toll. – Sir Thomas Butler, Thos. Earl of Derby. Disputed Claim to Wardship of Lands, and Right of Bridge Toll. Warrington.” * We may suppose, therefore, that Dodsworth receiving, as was the case, his account of the murder of Sir John Botiller from a local tradition only, at a long period after its actual occurrence, has mixed up the circumstances with those of a dispute of late date, and between different persons. It has been supposed that the Sir Thomas Boteler here mentioned was the individual murdered, but we have distinct record of his holding the manor from 1483 to 1522, when he died quietly in his bed, and probably at a good old age.
38. Another reason for our disbelieving the concurrence of the Earl of Derby in the murder may be found in the fact of the Lady Margaret Botiller being his sister, and, more strongly still, by our finding Sir Thomas, in 1491, receiving the homage of some of his tenants at Lathom, the seat of the Earl. At an earlier period, namely, when he first came into possession of the estate, in 1482, Sir Thomas, by a deed still extant, settles his estates to the use of himself and his heirs in tail male, remainder to Lord Stanley in tail, and we cannot believe it possible that in such a settlement he would include the murderer of his father, nor yet resort to his house to receive the homage of his tenants.
39. On taking a considerate review of the several facts which have been adduced, we may fairly conclude that Sir John Botiller and his chamberlain were really murdered at Bewsey, in or about the second year of the reign of Edward IV., (AD 1462.) The chief actors in the tragedy were probably Sir Piers Legh, of Bradley, and William Savage, of Clifton, aided, no doubt, by a band of hired assassins. The matter of grievance which led to the foul deed is unknown to us, but there need be no hesitation in saying that the assertion of Dodsworth is incorrect when he attributes it to the demand of an exorbitant bridge-toll by Sir John. Almost equally certain is it that the Earl of Derby was innocent of any participation in the murder; on the contrary, we have facts which go to prove that a friendly intercourse existed between the Earl and his nephew for at least eight years afterwards. It is, moreover, probable that, out of compliment to the Earl, the Christian name of Thomas was conferred upon three successive generations of the Boteler family, whilst, before that time, it does not once occur, a circumstance very inconsistent with the supposition that he took part in the cruel
40. The Lady Margaret Botiller, after the death of Sir John, married Lord Grey of Codnor Castle, and the same lady, who was the sister of the Earl of Derby, and herself a philosopher and alchymist, obtained a licence from the king to practice this wonderful art. Sir John Botiller was interred in the parish church of Warrington, a known grave in the will of his son, Sir Thomas Botiler.
41. Sir John Botiller was interred in the parish church of Warrington, as we have already stated. The following passage occurs in the will of his son, Sir Thomas: –
“And my bodie to be buried, if it please God, in the p’she churche of Warryngton befoer the image of our Ladye.”
The beautiful alabaster tomb, erected by Lady Margaret Botiller, over the remains of Sir John, is still in fine preservation; but we reserve a description of it until this interesting portion of our parish church comes under more particular consideration.
42. It may, perhaps, excite surprise that, throughout the above narrative, we have made no allusion to the version of the story given by Mr. Roby, in the second series of his “Traditions of Lancashire.” But, in truth, the writer has indulged so largely in poetic fancy that we feared, by an earlier mention of the work, to render a legend already too complicated still more obscure. As Mr. Roby’s work is one of such general distribution, and easy reference, it is unnecessary to make more than this brief allusion to it.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 19th Feb 1842
No. VII.
Warrington Bridge. – Former course of the River Mersey, at Warrington. – The Old London Road. – Proofs of the existence of a Bridge here at an early period ; one built in 1495, by the first Earl of Derby ; extract from Kuerden’s MSS.
43. Though it is anticipating the course of events by a few years, yet, it will serve to relieve the lengthened routine of following the genealogical succession of the Botillers, and since allusion has more than once been made to the subject, we shall here introduce a few remarks upon the Bridge over the Mersey, at Warrington, and then return to speak of Sir Thomas Boteler.
44. It will be necessary, first instance, to premise that the course of the Mersey in the neighbourhood of Warrington underwent considerable alteration in the early part of the last century. Up to that time, it appears, from old maps still in existence, to have taken a course for some distance directly eastward of the point where the Weir now stands, and then abruptly bending back upon itself, to have run westward, and joined its present course a little to the southward of the point from which it had set out, thus marking out a narrow peninsula, or neck of land, which, at the point opposed to the current, was of inconsiderable breadth, and offering too slender a barrier to high flood coming down from the hills, gave way, and the passage thus forced has continued to be the principal course of the Mersey since that time. – Even now, however, after continued and heavy rains, the old course of the river becomes filled with water, and the serpentine direction which it formerly took is then clearly indicated. At point immediately opposite the present Wash-lane, in Latchford, the river was fordable, and appears to have been the chief place of transit for travellers from the south northwards, or vice versa. There were, undoubtedly, other points where the river might be crossed on foot with safety, but being near the main part of the town of that day, it was more particularly distinguished as the Ford, and hence the name of Latchford, applied to the neighbouring district.
45. The ancient highway from the south to the north, by way of Warrington, “differed materially in our neighbourhood from its course at the present time. As figured in an old map, in the possession of Joseph Wagstaff, Esq., turned from the direct route at the bottom of Stockton Heath, taking first an easterly direction across Acker’s Common, and then running northwards to the Ford, along Wash-lane, it crossed the river at that point.
On the Lancashire side of the river, after running along the centre of the narrow trip ‘of land marked out by its winding course, the road followed the western bank to the end of the present Rectory-lane, along which it passed, and thus reached the main street of the town, close to the parish church.
After proceeding northwards a little further, the road divided, one portion running to Manchester, and the other passing between the present site of the Free Grammar School and the house occupied by the Rev. Thomas Vere-Bayne, it followed the course of what is now a rope-walk, in the occupation of Mrs. Charnock.
Beyond this point we are unacquainted with its exact course, but it doubtless joined the north road, near Longford Bridge.
46. We possess no record of the time when the uncertain, and, at times, impracticable mode of passing the Mersey at Warrington by ford was exchanged for the safety and convenience of a bridge. The first mention of such a structure existing here is found in one of the Boteler documents of the time of Edward I., in which Willelmus le Botiller, Baron of Werinton, grants to William de Hereford and his heirs a plot of ground lying between the house of Lawrence the baker and the “pontem de Merse,” in Werinton.
In another charter, of nearly similar date, the same Willelmus le Botiller grants to Jordan, son of Robert de Sonke and his heirs a plot of ground lying between the land of the aforesaid William de Hereford, near the ‘Merse’ on the one hand, and ‘le Silche.’ which falleth into the water of Mersy, on the other side.
On an examination of several of these ancient chapters, we are led to believe that the this early bridge was at or near that of the present one, though Ormerod, in his History of Cheshire,” place’s it in the neighbourhood of the old ford. In this, however, he is decidedly wrong.
47. In the 20th. Richard 11., (AD 1397,) Thomas Bovdell, of Dodleston, in Cheshire, lord of the manor of Grappenhall, is stated to have then held Latchford, with the passage of the bridge at Warrington. One of this family, about AD 1195, had obtained a charter from Handle Blundeville, Earl of Chester, for & ferry over the Mersey from Thelwall, about two miles from Warrington, down to Runcorn.
In the reign of Edward IV., James Holt and Henry Byrom claimed the pontage at Weringten: for every man passing over the bridge with a horse, they demanded a halfpenny ; for every horse with tundage, and for every man without a horse, a farthing. – Kuerden’s MSS.
48. The historian of the ” House of Stanley,” however, makes no mention of any bridge here prior to 1495, when King Henry VII. and his queen visited his relative, Thomas, Earl of Derby, at his seat of Lathom and gives the following account of its origin:-
“And considering that there was no certain or convenient Passage over the River Mersey, to old Warrington, but by Latchford, or Orford, and those very precarious as well as dangerous, his lordship determined to build Bridge over that River, that his Majesty might pursue his progress without Stop or Hazard. To effect which he purchased a Road, from the crossways leading from Sankey and Winwick, (now called Market Gate,) to the River, through the Field, now called Bridge Street, and the bottom there-of erected spacious Stone Bridge, and threw up Causeway across the Marshes, to the rising ground on the Cheshire side, and kept the same in repair all his life, and his successors after him, to the time of William Earl of Derby, brother and successor to Earl Ferdinand, who refused to repair or amend the same. This he did, being under the Calamitous State of continual Suits, Contests, and Daily Expellees in Law, for the recovery of his natural Right, and, not then possess of any, or but small pittance thereof, refused his Assistance to the Amendment of that Bridge, then much out of order.”
At the suggestion of the Judges, who were appealed to by the gentlemen of Cheshire, an enquiry was instituted whether any lands or tenements were settled and appropriated by any of the Derby family for the above 1 purposes, and this proving not to be the case, at their further suggestion, an arrangement was made between the gentlemen of Lancashire and Cheshire, that one county should repair the one half of the said bridge, and the other county the other half. – (See ” History of the House of Stanley.”)
49. An extract from Dr Kuerden’s MSS. would, however, afford ground for believing that one of the Earls of Derby did really provide for the maintenance of the bridge built by his ancestor at Warrington It appears that on the 26th of August, AD 1656, a presentment was made, to the effect “that deed dated 35 years before, by some of the earls of Derby, was, at the time of making the presentment, in the custody of Sir Thomas Ireland, knight, of Bewsey, whereby certain lands, called ‘Norris’s tenement,’ were conveyed to certain persons for the repair of Warrington Bridge, and that Thomas Ireland, son of the said Sir Thomas Ireland, had sold, amongst other things, the said lands unto Mr. Robert Nield, for £200. Mr. Nield sold part to Mr. Richard Abram, for £120, and the rest was possessed by Mr. Thomas Ellensworth, of Manchester, who married a daughter of Mr. Nield.” an order was accordingly made “that Thomas Ellensworth (then in possession of the lands,) his wife, and the owners and occupiers of the said lands, called Norris tent., should pay to the surveyors of the highways of Warrington, the 2nd of February for ever, the yearly sum of £13, to be employed in the repair of the said bridge.”
The sum of money here distinctly spoken of as ‘bequeathed to the repair of the bridge’, has probably been too long unfairly withheld ever to admit of recovery and application to its legitimate purpose. But there is every reason to believe that such a sum was really bequeathed William, sixth Earl of Derby, who died in 1642. The lands above described as “Norris’s Tenement,” are not now known as such, but it is singular that manuscript allotment of the sittings in the parish church of Warrington, in the year 1628, find the above named Robert Nield entitled to a sitting, or “antient seat,” in the said church, in right of his tenancy “Norris house.”
The deed alluded to has been diligently sought for Millin Selby. Esq., amongst the papers of Sir Thomas Ireland, of which considerable number are still extant, but this is not amongst them, and has probably been destroyed, for it, without doubt, once existed, and must have been executed by the earl at period subsequent to his labouring under the pecuniary difficulties spoken of in the preceding paragraph.
50. An origin somewhat different, and, it may be remarked, more closely accordance with that given the manuscript of Roger Dodsworth, (29) is, however, assigned to the bridge over the Mersey, at Warrington, “A right true and most famous Chronicle, set forth without any Fraud or adulterine flatterage (as some of our Chronicles do,) of the noble and notable acts of the Stanley’s, aggregated and compiled by Thomas Stanley by the Permission of God, Bishop of Man alias Sodor, in the year of our Lord God 1562.”
“At Warington was kept common Ferrye,
Which poled the King’s people unreasonably,
None might goe to and froe, a Horseback and Foote,
But pay as they past, there was none other boote.
The good Earle considering the People’s Cost
. . , (Here a line seemes omitted.)
Being tedious to pass by Boote or by Barge,
The Earle made a goodly Bridge on his own Cost and Charge,
With another good and substantial Purveyance,
That was, He gave Lands thereto for the Maintenance
This was a noble Heart, liberal and kinde
The People will pray for him Time out of Mynde
– from: History of the House of Stanley.”
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 26th Feb 1842
No. VIII.
Account of the Bridge resumed. – Original Order for breaking down the middle Arches, in 1745 – Repaired in 1747 – Subsequent Bridges – Sir Thomas Boteler one of the Heroes of Flodden – His death at Bewsey, in 1522.
51. The bridge built by the Earl of Derby, at Warrington, was of stone, and consisted of four arches, with watch-house on the pier, nearest to the Lancashire side, and is thus represented in a very rude wood-cut at the head of Eyrcs’s Warrington Advertizer, in 1756.
To what purpose this building was applied is not recorded; but it would appear that a system of watch and ward was exercised at the bridge during the time of the annual fairs at Warrington.
At the end one of the parish registers is “A note of what money I have layd since I was Cunstable in the year of our Lord 1668,” and, amongst others:-
Item: payd for fyre for the Watchmen at the bridge at the fayre 9d.
Item: for drynke for the watchmen 9d
Item: for drynke for those that went thro the Towne the fayre day at nyght with the Cunstables 6d.
52. This bridge remained until the year 1745, when, on the invasion of the Scotch rebels,, the middle arches and pier were taken down, with a view of arresting or retarding the progress of the Pretender.
The work was entrusted to Colonel Graham, then stationed here, and had the effect of diverting the course of the rebels from Warrington, which was to have formed part of their route to Manchester.
This was highly instrumental in securing their eventual overthrow, by affording time for the advance northwards of the Duke of Cumberland and the royal forces under his command.
The following is copy of the original order for breaking down the bridge:-
“To Colonel Graham,
Sir, I wrote to you immediately the return of Brigadier General Douglas, who has been over by the Duke’s order to view the Bridge at Warrington, to see if it was practicable to make a ‘Tete de Pont’, in order to secure and defend the same, as being a very material pass
And the making of one is found impracticable it is the unanimous opinion of the Brigadier all the Field Officers, as well as my own, that no time is to be lost in breaking down the same.
I therefore write this, by express, with my positive orders to see the same effected, to which end you will get what assistance of workmen the town will afford, and the proper utensils that it may be done out of hand.
It is not my intention that the bridge should be entirely ruined, but only the two middle arches taken entirely down, especially the middle pier, which must be taken down level with the water.
This will effectually prevent the rebels being able to make any passage, and yet leave the repair of it very practicable, and at an easy expense at proper season of the year.
When this work is executed, you will immediately comply with your orders from Brigadier. William Young, who I think directs you to Chester, without you receive any orders to the contrary from Sir John Ligonier or your superior Officers.
I remain (with great sincerity,)
Your most obedient humble servant,
Cholmondeley.”
Chester, Saturday. Morning. nine o’clock.
53. In Whitworth’s Manchester Magazine of the 20th December, 1745, it is announced “that a ferry boat is stationed near the late bridge at Warrington, to carry over the river Mersey people, horses, and goods, at reasonable prices.”
This inconvenient condition of the bridge remained until 1747, when the communication was re-established, the expense of repair being chiefly defrayed by grant of £2,200, in virtue of an order in council, dated 10th April, 1746, for the repairing of Warrington and other bridges over the Mersey and Irwell, which had been destroyed on the same occasion.
This was to be carried into effect under the superintendence of:-
“our trustie and Well beloved;
Sir Ralph Ashton Barrt.
John Blackburn of Orford Esq.
Thos. Patten of Warrington Esqr.
George Legh of Tatton Esqr.
Peter Brook of Mere Esqr.
or any three of ’em.”
The original document is in the possession of John Ireland Blackburne, Esq., M. P.
The battlements of the bridge were at the same time furnished with recesses, for the retreat of passengers, whose safety would otherwise have been often endangered the passage of carriages in so narrow thoroughfare.
The watch-house was then placed the centre pier, and in this situation it will be within the recollection of many.
Mr. John Robinson, of Latchford, has a distinct remembrance of its being used as a place for the manufacture of cartridges by a party of soldiers. A trap-door in the floor opened into cell or dungeon beneath, lighted by an iron grating, a little above high-water mark ; but it does not appear that this comfortless apartment was applied to any particular purpose.
54. In 1816 this bridge, being then in a ruinous condition, was taken down. Beneath the abutment, on the Lancashire side, an antique implement of bronze was found, supposed to be the antenna, or horizontal rod, of a Roman standard, six inches in length, the arms turning round horizontally, on a pivot attached to a ring in the centre.(By some it is regarded as part a gypciere, or ancient purse. Both this and the following curious relic are in the possession William Beamont, Esq. )
An ancient waved dagger, or miserecord, was likewise discovered in one of the piers, fifteen inches in length, greatly corroded by rust. The handle is covered with twisted gilt wire, but, from the dampness of the situation in which it had so long lain, is coated with a layer of pebbles and sand, cemented together by the rust of the iron of which the blade of the dagger is composed.
55. The wooden bridge which next followed had very brief existence, since its condition was found, in 1834, to be so unsafe to call for its entire removal. The present stone bridge of three arches was opened in 1836.
56. We return to speak of Sir Thomas Boteler. Of the period of his birth, or of his youth, we possess none of the details, farther than the tradition of his being saved, at the time of his father’s murder, by a maid servant. The earliest mention of him in the Boteler documents is, as have seen, on his coming into possession of the estate, in 1482, but after this period his name is of very frequent occurrence. He married Margaret, daughter of Sir John Delves, of Doddington, in Cheshire, by whom he had one son, and eight daughters.
57. Sir Thomas was present at the battle of Flodden, (Sept. 9, 1513,) whither he, doubtless, led a body of retainers, for, in a document connected with the ancient family of the Sankeys, who held land under the Botillers by the tenure of military service, we find mention made of “John son and heire of Randle Sonky who was slayne at fludden fyeld.”
The prowess of the men of Lancashire this battle has been spiritedly described by Sir Walter Scott, his ” Marmion,” as also in an ancient metrical composition in the Harleian collection, entitled “the Famous historic in Songe called Floodan Field,” and from which the following is a short extract:-
“All Lancashire for the most parte,
The lusty Standley stout did lead,
A stock of striplings stoute of heart,
Brought up from babes with and bread.
From Warton unto Warrington,
From Wiggan unto Wiresdale,
From Widdicar to Waddineton,
From Hibchester unto Rochdale,
From Poulton to Preston with pikes,” Ac. &c. “
The Stanley here spoken was Sir Edward Stanley, who had the leading of the Earl of Derby’s vassals on this occasion, in consequence of the latter having incurred the displeasure of King Henry VIII. Prior to correct intelligence of the issue of the battle, rumour reached the earl, then with the king in France, that it had ended the defeat of the English ; and in the following enumeration of brave knights in the neighbourhood of Warrington, we find honourable mention made of Sir Thomas Boteler. The poem, which printed in Evans’s Collection of Old Ballads, is entitled
“A Ballate the Batalle of Floden Field, betweene the Earle of Surrey and the King of Skotes.
Alas! brother said the Earl of Derby,
Woe be the time that I was made knight.
Or even ruler any land,
Or ever led mankind in field to fight;
So bold men in battle as were they,
Forsooth had neither lord nor swain.
Farewell mine uncle, Sir Edward Stanley,
Farewell I wat that thou art slain
Farewell, Kyhley, coward was thou none.
Old Sit Henry the good knight,
I left thee ruler of Lafham,
To be my deputy both day and night.
Farewell, Townlev, that was so true,
And the noble Hashton (Ashton) of Middleton,
And the sad Southwark (Southworth) that ever was sure,
Farewell 1 wot that thou art gone.
Farewell, Alderton (Atherton,), with the leaden mall (mace),
Well wot thou art doomed to die,
I may take leave now at you all.
The flower manhood is cone from me.
Farewell, Butler, and Sir Bolde,
True the have ever been to me,
And so I know that still you would,
Unslain now you might be.” &c. Ac. &c.
58. The fears of the earl were, however, speedily proved to be groundless, for neither were the English vanquished by the Scots, nor did Sir Thomas Boteler fall on the field of Flodden.
He returned to Bewsey, where he resided until his death, which took place on the 27th of April, AD 1522.
CONTRIBUTIONS THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 5th Mar 1842
No. IX.
Extracts from the Will of Sir Thomas Boteler, and from the Foundation Deed of “Boteler’s Free Grammar School,” at Warrington.
59. Sir Thomas Boteler, in his will, made few months prior to his decease, after certain curious instructions for his interment, evinces his good-will to the town of Warrington by providing for the establishment of Free-Grammar School, which still bears his name, and the important benefits of which have lasted, and are likely to last, at the present day.
The following are the portions of the will referred to :-
“I bequeath for mortuarie my best wikke best. And it my Mynde and will that buriall and funeral charges be made hadd and done after my degree, and as shall stande with good men with out any pompe or pride, as followeth, that is to weet,
I will that xxiiiiti power men, the wiche shall holde xxiiii Torches, the time of the observances of my buriall, shall have every of them a white gowne, and the same Torches to be made newe at my Costes.
And that every personne cominge to my said Buryinge, willing to have dole, shall have a peny, desiringe every of them to saie a prayer near and Aye Maria & Credo for my Saule.
And that every Preste sayinge dirrge & masse as they sbalbe appointed, shall have xiid, And every Clarke singinge and doinge divine S’ruices at my said Buryinge to have iiiid.
Also I will that dyn’r shalbe ordained my costes for such persons my kindesmen, and other prests as shall come to my said buryinge. I will that there shalbe iiii Trentalls of Sainte Gregorie saide for my Saule at London at by foure seu’rall prests such as said exec’rs or the more p’te of them shall think convenient to celebrate the same.
Also I bequeath to xxii parishe Churches in Cheshyre and Lancashyre as shall be thought most convenient my said ex’rs to every of them x shillings.
Also I bequeath v markes in money to be given to the use of the parishe Churche of Warrfngton, and x markes to the poore friers howso of Warrington towards the reparatcon and ornaments of the same, after the discrecon of mv said ex’rs.”
And where I the said Sr Thos. have delyvt by Indenture trip’tite into the custodie and kepinge of the right revurend father god John Th’abbot of Whalley, that nowe is, v hundreth markes in gold savelie to be kept to myne use, and to be disposed at my pleasure.
It is my free-will and mynde that myn ex’rs shall have the disposicon & orderinge of the said Sum of v bundred markes to purchase and obtine Lands & tents or rents to the yerelie value of pounds above all charges or as mucbe thereof as shalt be unprovided and purchased by me the said Thos, and therewith to found a free grammar scolle in Warrington to endure for ever, and to sustain and bear the charges of the same, and the residue of the said v bundred, markes which shall remayne after the said Lands purchased, and all costs and charges concerning the said Fundación of the said Grammar scole made and had.
I will that my ex’rs shall have the disposition of to dispose for my Saule, and my said wifes Saule.
And it is will that duringe their seu’rall lives, and after their deceasses that myn heires shall from to deno’iatc name and appoint an honest prest, groundely learned gram’r to be mr of the sd scole wch shall saie masse, praie, and do divine s’ruices at the sd p’ishe Churche of Warin»ton for the saule me, the sd Sr Thomn.s, dame Margarett my sd Wiff, Aunccstors, and myn heires after their deceases. And that all statutes and ordinances concerninge the fundaeon of the sd scole sbalbe made & established by me and my said executors.”
60. ‘The executors of the will of Sir Thomas Boteler are dame Margarett, his wife; Rundell Pole, parson of Hawarden; Mr. Robert Sneyde, recorder of Chester; and Sir William Plumptre, the knight’s chaplain.
The date of the Foundation Deed of Boteler’s Free Grammar School, which is deposited in the Library of the College at Manchester, is April the 10th, four years after the death of Sir Thomas. In it the statutes and ordinances for the government of the school are more explicitly laid down, and many of the duties assigned to the headmaster and pupils are in several respects curious;
Item: First it is ordeyned that the said Schoolmaster shall teach any Scholar coming to the said School after Wittington’s Grammar & making, or after such form & such Grammar which shall be most used to be taught hereafter Free Grammar Schools, & the same to be taught freely and quietly without taking reward Stipend or Schole hire or any other thing by promise grant or Covenant before made; and (no?) Feriall day except iii Feriall days next before the Feasts of the Nativity of our Lord God, Easter, & Pentecost, and other iii Feriall next after the Feasts, except the said School master shall happen to have a reasonable let or impediment. Provided always yet it shall be lawful to the said School master or any other Schoolmaster for the time being to take of any “Scholar of the said School learning Grammar four penny’s by year, yet is to say,” in the quarter next after X’mas Cock-peny, in any of three other quarters in the year” one Potation-penny, & for the same potation penys yet the said Schoolmaster for the time being shall make Drinking for all the said Scholars in any of the said three quarters in the year, also yet the said Schoolmasterr shall give no licence to any Scholar to play in daily Feriall day if in the week of the said Feriall days shall happen to fall one Holy-day, & if it be whole week without any holyday that then the afore said Schoolmaster for time being shall give licence to sd Scholars to play on the Thursday at afternoon only, except it be at the request or desire of a great Worshipful man.
Item: it is ordeyned by the said parties yet the said Schoolmaster for the time being, and any other Priest Schoolmaster of the said School being within Warrington Parish afore said any Sunday and Holyday shall be personally the Quire of the Parish Church of Warn afore said in his surplice to help to sing read & say divine service according to his learning and coming. Except he have reasonable excuse or impediment.
Item: Also it is ordeyned all the Scholars of the said Free School being present thrice the week, it is to say, Sunday, Wednesday, & Friday shall go two and two togethers in processions about or within the said Church of Warn, singing the Feriall Litany in the Feriall day & on the Sunday or other holydays then singing the responses or such service as to that day there shall appertain & according to the coming of the said Scholars in Song.
Item: It is also ordeyned yet as well the said School master as the said Scholars of the said School inhabited within the Franchises of Warn afore said between Michaelmas & Easter shall be at the Parish Church of Warn between & of the clock in the morning, and there shall say such prayers as shall be lymited & written on Table to be hanged in Boteler’s Chappell within the said Church, then immediately after yet they shall go to the said School house, and shall depart thence 5 of the clock in the afternoon, or by at the discretion of the bit Schoolmaster, and between Easter and Michaelmas \e same Master & Scholars shall be at the said Church between 5&6 o’clock in the morning, and there shall say the said prayers, and then immediately from thence “shall depart & go to the said School, & every after they shall depart from the said School the said Mr & scholars” shall resort to the said Church, and there shall sing an Antiphone of our Lady & say such prayers as shall expressed in the said Table & then depart home.
Item: It is also ordeyned yet no Scholar shall wear any Dagger Hanger or other weapon invasive other than his knife to cut his meat with,ll yet every scholar shall be obedient to the said Schoolm’r for the time being all his condiments and demands lawfull,”& shall be ready to give his help and assistance to the correction of every scholar of the said Free-school when & as often as the said Schoolm’r for the time being shall command them.
Item: Also it is ordeyned yet every scholar after he be months Grammar shall “use to” speak to another at all times and in every Latin & no English, & yet no scholar shall use diceing or carding nor any other unlawful Games upon pain of correction at the discretion of the said Schoolmaster.
Item: And it is ordeyned & agreed betwixt the said parties yet one Anniversary shall be kept within the said Church of Warrington at the costs of every of the said School master or the time being the seven & twentie day of April every year for the souls of the said Sr Thos. & his Ancestors & his heiress & for the soul of dame Margarelt Boteler after decease manor and form hereafter ensuing, that is to wit, that the parson the curate of the Parish Church with vii other Priests which shall be viii in number & singing clerks or scholars in evening before the said xxvii day shall together sing Placebo & Dirige & in the morning of the xxvii day the said viii Priests and Clerks shall say the commendations, & after yet at yr pleasure- iii of the Priests o say masse of the Trentall of St Gregoris with the collect Deus
Spes nostra, iiii of other Priests to say masse of the Anniversary & the Parson Curat or another Priest to keep Masse of Requiem solemnly note & other vii priests & clerks to keep to sing in same Masse & the Priest yet keepeth sd Masse of Requiem to have viid & every of the other Priests to have viiid for Business & every of the said Clerks to have iid.
Item: And furthermore it is ordeyned yet the Bellman of Warn wth the Bell on the said xxvii day of April at afternoon shall go throw the towne of Warn & according to the custom thereof desire of every man woman & child to pray for the souls of the said Sr Thos. & dame Margarett after her decease & his heirs & yet done then the clerk of the church at Warn to cause three long Peals to be wrung on with all the Bells in the Steeple except Sanctus and so on the xxvii day as according for an Anniversary, & same clerk to have for ringing xxd, and the Bellman iid. Also it is ordeyned every of the said School masters, with the advice of the chantre priest there, shall give & deal in alms the said day of April to fourty poore folke xiiis. iiiid, that is to wit, every of them iiiid.
Item: Also it is ordeyned yet there shall befsung upon Herse tt to be made upon & over the grave of the said Sr Thos rcsurqes during the singing of the Dirige & Masse aforesd.
Item: And furthermore every of the said Schoolmasters & the other chantre priest before the Feast of Pasche yearly next ensuing shall say or cause to be said yearly as many other Masses to fulfil the said Trentall, that is to wit, xxvii Masses with Placebo & Dirige to make and fulfil a wfa >le Trentall. And after the said Anniversary, each Quarter of the year to say v masses of the wounds of our lord for the soul of the said Sr Thos. & dame Margarett after her decease “with such Collects as they shall think convenient.
Item: Also it is ordeyned & agreed betwixt the said parties yet the Schoolmaster for time being once in every year at the day of the said Anniversary shall make a true account of all such Issues & Profits coming & growing of the said lands tents & rents as he shall then have received that year, before the Parson or Curate of Warn & before the other Chantre Priest singing in Boteler’s Chapel aforesaid; and if the Schoolmaster upon the said account shall be found to have received more money than the sum of x pounds for his stipend for year & the costs of the Anniversary as is before expressed & named, that then the overplus thereof shall be put into Coffer having three locks upon it, the same money to be kept heire & costs charges of the receiving of the said Feoffees & writing of the said Deeds Schedules & Indentures concerning the said School & for the defence of the title of premises & for the Ornaments of the said Chappell if need shall so require.”
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 12th Mar 1842
No. X.
Later Members of the Boteler Family. – Sale of the Barony to Duddeley, Earl of Leicester. – The Parish Church; its Patron Saint. – The Chancel and East Window; – the Sedilia and Piscina; – Monuments and Stained Glass in the Chancel in 1640.
61. Sir Thomas Boteler was succeeded by his son of the same name, of whom we possess few records of general interest, since the documents connected with the period during which he held the barony, are chiefly of a legal nature. We may gather from them, however, that he lived on but indifferent terms with his neighbours, and, in the Records of the Duchy, we find him indicted by some for personal assaults, by others for tortious possession of tenements, disturbance of right of common, or of turbary, threats of burning and destroying houses, disputing of tolls, and the like. Amongst the objects of his ill-will we find the names of most of the ancient families in the neighbourhood: Legh, Bruche, Penketh, Gerrard, Molyneux, and even the rector of the parish, Edward Kebell. Nay, even when allowance is made for the uncultivated manners of the time, we can scarcely forgive Sir Thomas and Lady Cecilia Butler for rendering themselves **both** liable to indictment for an assault upon the person of Master Thomas Molyneux.
62. Sir Thomas died in 1551, and of his successor, a third Sir Thomas, we have still less mention. The power and wealth of this ancient family were in his time rapidly waning away, and the barony, at his decease, in 1579, was left to his only son Edward, heavily encumbered with mortgages and annuities.
63. Which member of the Boteler family was the first to abjure the Romish faith is uncertain. The second Sir Thomas Butler must, at least in early life, have been of this persuasion, from his concurrence in the directions given for observing the anniversary of his father’s death, in the foundation deed of the Free Grammar-School (60.) But his son must have been a Protestant, for, at the period of the ecclesiastical commission issued by Queen Elizabeth, in the year 1568, for the purpose of enquiring after Popish recusants, we find “that from Warrington all along the sea coasts of Lancashire, the gentlemen (except Mr Butler) were of the faction, and withdrew themselves from religion; as Mr Ireland, Sir Wm Norris, and many other men.” We find Thos. Butler well affected towards Elizabeth at the time of the insurrection in the north, under the Earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland, for the purpose of liberating Mary Queen of Scots. His son, Edward Butler, also signs the declaration of loyalty to Elizabeth, drawn up by an association of gentlemen in Lancashire.
Edward Butler, also signs the declaration of loyalty to Elizabeth, drawn up by an association of gentlemen in Lancashire.
64. Sir Thomas Butler must have been of this persuasion, from his concurrence in the directions given for observing the anniversary of his father’s death, in the foundation deed of the Free Grammar-School (60.) But his son must have been a Protestant, for, at the period of the ecclesiastical commission issued by Queen Elizabeth, in the year 1568, for the purpose of enquiring after Popish recusants, we find “that from Warrington all along the sea coasts of Lancashire, the gentlemen (except Mr Butler) were of the faction, and withdrew themselves from religion; as Mr Ireland, Sir Wm Norris, and many other men.” We find Thos. Butler well affected towards Elizabeth at the time of the insurrection in the north, under the Earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland, for the purpose of liberating Mary Queen of Scots. His son, Edward Butler, also signs the declaration of loyalty to Elizabeth, drawn up by an association of gentlemen in Lancashire.
Edward Butler, also signs the declaration of loyalty to Elizabeth, drawn up by an association of gentlemen in Lancashire. He died without issue, and was thus the last of his race. In or about the year 1587, he was compelled, by pecuniary necessity, to dispose of the manor of Warrington, which had been hereditary in his family for so many generations, to Robert Duddeley, Earl of Leicester, the favourite of Queen Elizabeth. He held the barony for a short time only, but its passage from the hands of its ancient possessors affords opportunity for a brief digression, of which we shall avail ourselves, to introduce a few facts connected with what may be termed the **ecclesiastical history** of Warrington, and which refer principally to the ancient church still remaining, and to a priory which formerly existed here, but of which the last traces are fast disappearing.
THE PARISH CHURCH.
65. Though little, if any, of the original structure now remains, yet the parish church of Warrington is unquestionably of Saxon origin, and as little doubt exists of its site having always been the same. At the period of the Conquest, as recorded in Doomsday Book, (4) it was dedicated to S. Elfin, and endowed with one carucate or plough’s work of land, the usual perquisite of parish churches at that time.
66. In the Romish calendar we find no mention of a St. Elfin, nor are we aware of any other edifice dedicated to a saint of this name. The venerable Bede, who wrote his Ecclesiastical History in the early part of the eighth century, makes mention of Elfwin a virtuous Saxon prince, nephew of Oswald King of Northumbria, who fell in battle on the banks of the Trent, in the year 679; and the concurrence of the tumulus, or ancient burial mound, which we have already described at large, with a church of equally early date, dedicated to a name very closely resembling his, and that, too, in a locality so near the river and ford (44,) which bounded his native province, affords some ground for a supposition that Elfwin was interred here, and the church, which then, or soon after, rose near the spot dedicated to his memory.
Of the period at which the patron saint of the church was changed to S. Helen, as at the present day, we possess no record, but in the time of Elizabeth we find it spoken of as the “Hie Church,” though this may have been a general term applied to parish churches at this period.
67. The Chancel and north transept are the only ancient portions of the building. The tower, from the level of the roof of the chancel upwards, was taken down and re-built in 1696, and the remainder of the edifice is of still later date. The roof of the chancel, also, has been raised at no very remote period; probably, from the correspondence of the crockets or pinnacles which are supposed, or intended, or intended to ornament it, with those on the summit of the tower, the alteration will bear the same date. The stone moulding of the former roof is still visible externally on the western wall of the tower, and shews its course to have been much more angular than at present, and in strict accordance with the general character of the building. The eastern window of the chancel has been long and deservedly admired as a fine specimen of what has been termed by Rickman the “Decorated English” style of church architecture, which prevailed in this country during the reigns of the second and third Edwards, or from 1307 to 1377. The upright mullions or divisions of the lower part, branching into the rich flowing tracery of the upper, are peculiarly characteristic of the style here spoken of, as is also the moulding on the architrave or inner side of the great arch of the window. The other windows of the chancel, though smaller, are in strict uniformity with the eastern one, and when taken in conjunction with the original doorway, now leading into the smaller vestry only, the beautiful arches of the transept beneath the tower, and the exterior buttresses likewise, this portion of the building must at one time have afforded a beautiful and correct specimen of the “Decorated English” style of church architecture.
68. A short time ago, on taking down a quantity of oak panelling, which covered the walls of the chancel to a considerable height, several niches were discovered in the south wall, three of which correspond with sedilia, or seats for the officiating priests not actually engaged in the service of the communion. With a view to this purpose they have been tastefully restored, as also a fourth recess of smaller size, known as the piscina, or place for washing the holy vessels, and the hands of the priests. A small door has been lately opened on the left of the altar, and immediately within the rails, leading by a winding stone staircase downwards to the newly-discovered subterranean apartment or crypt, which extends under a considerable portion of the chancel.
69. When Randle Holme, the herald, of Chester, visited Warrington, in 1640, he took down, in his own hand-writing, a list of the monuments and stained glass which were then to be found in our parish church. The MS. is preserved in the Library of the British Museum,† and contains so much of interesting information on this point that portions of it will, from time to time, be introduced as we treat of the different portions of the church in which he records them to have existed at the period of his visit.
“In the chancel is a faire marble stone inlayed with brasse and pillers and turretts, and in brasse therein a man with a curious Cote embroidered praying and standing at his feete Delves cote‡ & writt under – Of your charity pray for the soul of Mr Richard Delves, canon in the Cathedral church of Lichfield, and parson of this church of Warrington; dyed the 22 of November, in the year of our Lord God 1527.
In an section in the Chaunsell Haworden’s Cote, vizt. (Quarterly) Ar. gutty, a fesse nebuley secondly. Ar. a bend fuseley sadly. Gu, a pale fuseley. Ar. 4thly is quarterly, Ar. a wolfe pass. sa. and quarterly Ar. & sa. a cross patence counter-charged Haworden.
In the Est Window of the Chancel only Butler’s cote is very auntient. In the highest window on the south side, Argent a chevron bet. 3 mullets sable. Sa. a chevron bet. 3 cross crosslets eng. A crescent for difference Southwood.
In the Quire on the south side, in the window a Man in Armor kneeling: on his breast and shoulders Butlers cote, and his wife kneeling against him: on her surcoat is Butlers cote also. In the window above is Butlers cote. In windows on same side. Argent, a lion rampant gu.
G. a saltire engrailed or, on several escutions.
In the highest window on the north side, gu. a cross eng. ar. Legh; and, ar. a cross gu. St. George. In the next window on the same side, Ar. a cross sa. in the first quarter a fleur de lis, gu. Hadock. Az. a lion rampant erm. crowned or. Gerord Quarterly Ar. & gules in 2nd and 3rd a frett or. Dutton.”
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 19th Mar 1842
No. XI.
The Parish Church resumed; the Crypt; the Nave – its arrangement in 1628; the Porches.
70. Of the objects in connection with our Parish Church the crypt, at the present moment, and deservedly so, appears to possess most interest. Its existence has been very confidently surmised for some years, partly from the arches visible above ground, obviously intended for the reception of windows, but more particularly from the discovery in 1824 of a winding stone staircase in the centre of the massive buttress on the north wall of the chancel, which, on being opened, was found to lead upwards in the direction of the communion-table, and also downwards to what was even then supposed a monkish crypt or cell. The investigation was not, however, pursued further, and it was not until the early part of the past year (1841) that, on removing a portion of the flooring of the chancel, the whole extent and proportions of the apartment were exposed to view.
71. In many instances the ancient crypts appear to have been used solely as places of sepulture, but to these light was but sparingly admitted, by means of small loop-holes; the number, size, and form of the windows below our parish church are sufficient to indicate that it must have been a place of frequent, perhaps of daily resort, and undoubtedly for the purposes of devotion. *
72. At what period the crypt was filled up in the state in which it was found is a matter of mere conjecture, but it could scarcely be prior to the Reformation in England, (AD 1537), nor yet at a very recent period. But whenever effected, the work was rudely and even barbarously executed; for, on the level of the floor of the crypt were found portions of the groined arches of the roof, and tiles of which a former floor of the chancel was doubtless composed. Above these the cavity was filled up with earth evidently taken from the surrounding church-yard, from the number of human bones strewed promiscuously through it, fragments of ancient tombstones, the iron nails of coffins, and the like.
73. In its original state the crypt appears to have been an apartment in size 29 feet in length, by 11 feet in width, with a roof formed by two series of groined arches, springing from six corbels or brackets projecting from the wall, each of which is ornamented by a grotesque head. No flooring remains, and on digging to the depth of one or two feet, the natural bed of gravel is found, as is the case at the same depth in the churchyard itself. From the north end of the crypt, where a portion of the arched doorway still remains, a winding flight of stone steps in the body of the large buttress, seen on the outside of the edifice, leads upwards to the communion-table, and this passage it is intended to preserve, and, if possible, to restore to its former state. The crypt has been already used as a convenient vestry.
74. Amongst the documents in the parish church there is a rather interesting manuscript on parchment, marking out the sittings allotted to particular individuals, in the year 1628. From this authority the annexed ground plan of the church at this period has been formed.
75. At this time there appears to have been no gallery in the church, and the nave only was then occupied by the congregation. There were but two pews (pues?) in the whole edifice, one, as it is described, “on the S. side next the quire,” occupied by Richard Massie, Esq., whose name and coat of arms, dated 1617, still remain there; the other was allotted to “the parson and his wife for the time being.” The rest of the nave was filled with forms, or, as they were termed “auntient seats;” the first on the south side being known as the “bryds’ form,” * whilst on the north side the sittings were occupied by the leading families of the town and neighbourhood. Thus, the 1st. form we find allotted to Sr. Peter Leigh, knt.; the 2nd to Ralphe Standishe, Esq.; the 3rd. to Thos. Ireland, Esq., &c. &c.
76. We find no accommodation set aside for the poor, nor, indeed, until more than a century afterwards, when we find in the parish book, under the date of April 10th, 1732, that it was “ordered that a line of seats 7 inches in breadth for com’on use be placed throughout the middle Isle, at an equal distance between the auntient seats, and to continue there until next Michaelmas, and no longer, with’t a Vestry order.” The want of such accommodation for the lower classes must have been more severely felt at a remote period than it would be now, for it must be borne in mind that a discourse of two hours in length was regularly looked for from a preacher who had any pretension to eloquence. To ensure the exact performance of this duty he was supplied with an hour-glass, and always expected to hold forth whilst the glass was twice emptied of its sand. The stand upon which it was placed near him, and in full view of the congregation, still remains in many pulpits. “The priest,” says Mr. Fosbroke, (*Encycl. of Antiq.*) “had sometimes a watch found him by the parish. So early as 1483, we find a clock ordered to be placed over it.” And during this long, and often tiresome discourse, the poor were expected to stand. After the text, forsooth, the squire of the parish withdrew, smoked his pipe, and returned only in time to receive the blessing.
77. The situation of the pulpit at the time to which the document refers, was probably the same as within our remembrance, viz.: near the eastern end of the nave, and on the south side of the transept arch: from this place it was removed a few years ago. In primitive times it was the custom to place the pulpit so as to face the west, that the congregation might, throughout the service, look eastward, but by the reforming spirit of the puritans during the Commonwealth, it was placed towards the north or south, simply by way of contradiction. This was its position until its late removal.
78. The body of the church was entered then, as now, by a north and south door, which, however, were furnished with porches, for in one of the Boteler documents we find it stipulated by certain parties that a sum of money shall be paid in the north porch of the parish church of Warrington. This was by no means an uncommon practice, for the porch of a church was the frequent resort for transaction of business, more especially of law matters, and the payment of rents. Very frequently the sabbath appears to have been selected for the execution of any deed to which a number of signatures was requisite, probably with a view to its being completed on the departure of the congregation from the church.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 26th Mar 1842
No. XII.
The Parish Church resumed ; Boteleir’s (now Atherton, Chapel its Monuments, Stained Glass, S,~c. in 1640.’ Mussey’s (now Patten’s) Chapel.
79. The Boteler’s Chapel, in the north transept of the church, would be interesting did contain more than the beautiful monument-of the Boteler and his lady. But up to the time of the civil war in England, though it is probable only until then, there were several other monuments, and a large quantity of stained glass the windows. It was without doubt originally built one of the Botesers for a charitry small chapel, and endowed with a yearly income derived from a few houses Churetustreet and Fennel-.street, for the maintenance of priest daily saying mass for the souls of the founder and his family.* Mention is -made of the ” Chantre Priest singing in Boteler’s Chapel” in the directions for the celebration of the anniversary of Sir Thomas Boteler’s death, given in the foundation deed of the Free Grammar Schcol (GO). In one part of his ( 41), read of an image of the Virgin standing here, from which it is probable that the chapel was dedicated to her honour, and at 82. To come down our own time, the principal object of interest in this part of our parish church is the beautiful altar-tomb raised to the memories of one of the Botillers and his -lady. Much of this interest is perhaps attributable the tradition extant of its being the spot where rest the remains of the Sir John Botiller who, we have reason to believe, was murdered at Bewsey, in the reign of Edward’ IV. Doubts have been thrown on the truth of this tradition, but apparently with little reason, since the- effigies of the knight and his lady are clad in the precise costume of that period. Dodsworth, too, whose manuscript account of the murder (29) we’have declared to possess much which is worthy of belief, distinctly states that the widow of the murdered man “caused a tombe of Alabaster to bee made where she lyeth upon the right hand of her husband Sir-John Butler.” Randle Holme in describes this monument, and along with it speaks of another an arch under the wall. His words are: – ” ‘In Butlers Chappell on the north side is a very monument of a man in armour cutt in stone in arch of wall.” It’s well known every one acquainted with this portion of the church, that there are still to be seen two arches in the north wall of the chapel; and that these must have been in existence at the time of Holme’s visit is clear from the masonry in which they are formed being of much older date than the rest of the chapel. This is readily perceptible on the outside. It is Uliewise singular that should overlook the female figure which now lies under the smaller arch. The figure in armour which he speak.- is now lost, but must have been the tomb the founder of the chapel, ac the one left is that-of his lady. Formerly it was the general practice inter the founders under such arches. 84. “lvi middle of the chappell fejyre toumb of Butler with his wife lyinge as the town of Trout becke in St. Mary’s in Chester, * tions all about, but all tlic a v be worne off.” This is the altar-tomb still remaining the same situation, and its beauty and perfect state of preservation call for some further detail. The figures are in the recumbent position, the head of the knight resting upon his helmet, and that of Lady Botiller upon a cushion supported by two angels. “The feet cf the former are supported by a hound, those .of the lady two dogs, probably of a race more accustomed to become the favourites of the female sex. The left hand of the lady is.placed in the right baud of her husband, whilst her right is raised toward* the breast, and appears at one time to have held one the feather fans formerly use ladies, but which by accident or design has been broken off. 85. In the armour of the knight the chief points worthy of notice, as affording clue to the date of the tomb, “are the immense elbow-plates or gardes de bras., which, being more ornamental than useful, were vogue only for very short period; the tuilles or plates of steel, terminating” below in a conical point, depending from the skirts of the body-armour, and covering an apron of chain mail. The gauntlets, too, are furnished with distinct fingers and jointed; and round the neck is a slender collar supporting the representation of some animal, probably intended for the white lion of the house of March. All these points, with others of minor importance, are peculiar to the early part of the reign of Edward IV. If we turn to the female figure, the costume of this period is still more strongly marked. The gown is of immoderate length, girded tightly the waist, with a turn-over collar, probably of fur or velvet, coming to a point in front, and disclosing square-cut stomacher beneath it. The sleeves tight to the arm, and furnished with cuffs, and above all the high-forked head-dress, with the veil depending behind, and the hair confined net-work, clearly refer to the period of w. IV., the early part of whose reign Sir John Botiller was murdered at Bewsey. 86. The sculptured figures on the sides of the tomb, many of them of exquisite workmanship, are chiefly images of saints, to each of which peculiar legend is attached. 87. An opinion has been entertained that this monument was erected to the memory of Sir Thomas Boteler, son of Sir John, and founder of the Free Grammar School. But, independently of the evidence deduced from the costume of the figures, such supposition clearly set aside Randle Holme, who thus explicitly describes the tomb of Sir Thomas, though it is now altogether lost :t – “In the said chappell a fayre Unbeneficed priests were generally selected having most leisure; and when the income loft the founder for the support the chantry was very small, the j« is allowed to eke it oat praying for the souls of men, for which he was remunerated at the rate of 4d. per mass, ft in the gross, for marks. marble stone at the west end of the tombc, in brasse tow figures, a meat standing in Armour with Butler’s cote on, and his wive’s cote Delucs cote; the Evangelists in brasse in the corners, and written aboute : ‘ Pray for the. soides of Thos. Butler kt. and dame Margret his wife, w’ch had one sonne daughters, vi/zt. Thomas Cicely, dau’r to Piers Legh, Margaret to Rd Bould kt, Ellen to Jo. Bagott, Eliz. to Geo. Booth, Isabell to Handle Brereton, Anne to Geo. Atherton, Cicely to Henry Kighley, Margery to Southworth, and Dorothy. Sir Thomas dyed 27 April! 1522.'” 88. The west window of Boteler’s Chapel was formerly very richly ornamented with figures, inscriptions, and coats of arms. “We again quote the manuscript of Randle Holme” In the window there Dutton’s cote.l Ar. a lion ramp. gu. Legh. Butler’s cote. Ar. lozenges, or. 89. Amidst these gloomy records of the devastating i hand of violence-, it is pleasing to remark that an attempt is about to be made restore simple lasting memorial of the mumftcence of Sir Thomas Boteler. We allude to the voluntary offer, on the part Mr. R. B. Edmundson, of King-street, fill up one of the divisions ef the west window of Boteler’s Chapel with stained glassef his own manufacture, and at his ownekpenfe. The design, tco, is equal!;- creditable to “iris .taste and judgment. In the upper part, and surrounded by border of stained-glass are the arms of Boteler and ‘ Delves impaled.l! Under, neath, cr. a simple tablet, the following inscription: Benvdih this Window, At the West End the Tomb, v the ‘Body of ‘Sir THOS. Botiller, of ßeausey, Knt., Founder of Boteler’s Free Grammar School, Warrington. Sir Thomas died April, AD MCCCX (1310) 90. The transept the church is now known us Patten’s Chapel. The monuments which it contains =c.re of very recent date. It was fortaerlv the property the ancient family Massey of and Ghaebroolf, the whom died in i’HS. Holme tells that – “lajhe Kfkoppell -6n the south agaynst Bnilers Chappell M eArri.tienf monumeiti of man in Armour lying undwr in the wait, and reported t«be a Massy: «t *s calisd Massy’s Qhtsj-pell.” This monument has been taken away, and the onl> memorial of this ancient and family “Which remains us. is the name, and coat of arms of “Rich Ann Malsye, A’o.’D ni. 1617,” carved and in very good preservation the door of the reading-desk. Aitos Button of Button. – ” Quarterly, a fret in’the second and third.”” – Ormerod ‘S^er.eshire. TtvA-ss:.Avio;.-. – ” Pray forth? soul of Tho. Butler, knight’ and for the prosperity Butler, widow, and of Tho. Butler, Ksq., and the daughters the said Margaret, which Margaret this window to made AD T523.” 69. ay
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 2nd Apr 1842
No. XIII.
The Parish Registers of Warrington. – Extracts from the Records of Vestry Meetings. – List of Rectors of Warrington.
91. From the parish registers of Warrington we have not been able to gather any facts of sufficient general interest to bring forward. The earliest now in existence is entitled “A true copy of an oulde register made in time of Mr Ashworth parson of Warrington begininge the 29th daye of maye AD 1591 taken by me Henrye Woderoffe clarke of the same parish churche the 24th daye of maye d’o 1611.” On the flyleaf of one of somewhat older date there are some curious memoranda, entitled:
” A note of what money I have payd since I was Constable in the year of our Lord 1668.”
From these we select the following : –
“Item: payd the 5th of November to the ringers in money & drinke… 2 0
for drinke at churchstele… 13 0
Item: for 5 passengers that came from Hull that was
goinge for Ireland for meat drinke and lodginge… 5 0
payd for A man and A horse to bring them and their
baggage to the cunstable of Penketh …… 9 It.
given to 2 men that came from the seas and had been
prisoners and was goinge to Sheffield… 6 It
given to a ministers wife & 3 children that came from
Ireland and landed at blew morris . 1 0 (see also 51.)
92. From the records of vestry meetings in the parish books we select the following as possessing interest, from their specifying the periods at which various alterations took place in the church, and also for their reference to several ancient customs now obsolete.
1630. Feby. 10. The Church to be flag’d or pav’d forthwith, as is ordered by the Lord Archbishop of Yorke his deputy.
1632. May 26. It is ordered & agreed upon on the behalfe of the Clarke that he shall receive from the Churchwardens yearlie for the time being, the sum of 20s. for * * * whereof he shall weeklie sweepe and keepe clean & neat the new floore of the Church of Warington. As also that the bobber is discharged and the sleepers left unto the Cannon.
1647. Jan. 4. No entry from 1643 until now, when we find the church spoken of as ” now far decayed in respect of the long (disasters)*, as also for repaire of glasse, bells & clock, &c. It is also thought fitt and ordered that the Clarke for the time being, shall ring the great bell, or some other bell, at 8 of the clock at night, and 4 of the clock in the morning from Michalmas till our Ladie Daie.”
Amongst the several items to which the church leys were ordered to be applied previous to 1647, is ” the providinge bread & wine for the monthlie communions,” but it was then omitted. In 1630 it was originally inserted, but subsequently erased by a stroke of the pen. It was again allowed in 1666.
1654. May 18. Three church-leys ordered to be applied to ” the recasting of the bells, for the repayringe of the clock, for the repayringe & cleaninge of the alleyes, & for the repayringe of the Church wall, and other severall and usuall necessaries of the Church.”
1658. June 5. “It is thought necessary by reason of the several wants in and about the p’ish church of Warrington, but in particular for repayringe of the (liegh ?) steele, for mendinge the stone wall, & the fence about the yard, for ladders for pointing the roofe, mossing, for Clarke’s wages, & Sexton’s for the bells & clock, with divers other things, to collect a whole lay.” – NOTE. In this extract there are two points sufficiently curious to require a passing remark. The first is the mention made of a “liegh steele” connected with the churchyard, which the writer is disposed to consider identical with the lich-stile or corpsestile, yet existing in several places in England. The name took its origin from its being a resting-place for the body of a deceased person whilst waiting for the minister, and the lich-gate or stile was furnished with a pent-house overhanging, as a shelter for the attendants of the funeral. It may be mentioned that although the access to the churchyard has, for very many years, been by a gate, yet amongst the lower orders the upper part of Church-street is still spoken of as the Chur-stele or Church-stile. Of the word “mossing,” which also occurs, we venture to give an explanation, as its meaning is not generally known. Formerly it was not the practice to supply country churches with ceiled roofs, but once in the year the spaces between the tiles or slates were filled up with dry moss. An old lady resident in Warrington informs the writer that within her remembrance it was the annual practice in her native village in Westmoreland to resort to this expedient. The custom is probably now entirely obsolete.
1660. July 30. Whereas it is generally injoined by the great Counsell of England that in all Churches thorow out the kingdom of England his Maiestie’s Armes shalbe sett upp, Uppon warning publickly given in the parish church concerninge the providinge of the said armes and severall other things that are wanting, Those of the parish that uppon the s’d warninge did appeare do think it fitt that twoo Church layes shalbe collected by the new Churchwardens for the providinge of the s’d Armes, also for the mossinge of the Church, for repayringe of the leades, the Clarke’s wages, &c.
1694. Sept. 16. Repair of the tower first projected; appears to have been found impracticable, and required re-building.
1696. Sept. 25. Rebuilding of the steeple in progress. Allusion is distinctly made to its having been “pulled down.”
1700. May 9. At a parish meeting it is agreed “that the present Churchwardens shall have, collect, and gather three Church lays for calling all the late Churchwardens to an account who have not already made y’r accounts unto, or have not been allowed by the parish, and for beautifying the Church for Sacramentalls, and other necessary uses of the said Church.”
1701. Mar. 6. The parish book is stated to have been “stolen from the Clarke’s house, where it was usually kept for the use of the parish.”
1705. Apr. 10. The churchwardens of Wolston and Poulton against whom proceedings at law had been instituted, pay what is due, and are freed from further demands.
1714. Mar. 12. An altar-piece to be erected, and the ceiling of the chancel to be repaired where necessary.
1719 – 20. Feb. 28. A new clock to be procured.
1720. Aug. 21. A new communion-table, and other ornaments of the chancel ordered.
1723. Apr. 16. “Agreed that Thos. Patten of the Corne Market, and Giles Fairclough have liberty to erect at y’r own costs & charges an additional Building of the Compass of 20 ft. square or thereabouts, joining to Mr. Massey’s Chapel, & to build therein wh’t seats & a Gallery as y’e shall think proper, & to sett or dispose of the same to the parishioners, obliging themselves, their Heirs & Assignees to provide sufficient lights, & to keep the said new Building for ever in good repair.”
1724. Apr. 7. “Ordered yet nothing for the future shall be expended for the Entertainment of strange Clergymen at the Parish Charge.”
1725. Dec. 28. A workhouse ordered to be hired, purchased, or built.
1727. Apr. 4. The E. gallery of the church erected.
– – . Aug. 15. Land in Church-street purchased from Mr. Matt. Page for a workhouse.
1732. Apr. 10. At a parish meeting it was agreed & ordered that “hereafter no Money be spent on the 5th. of Nov’r. nor on any other State day on the Parish account, either at the Churstile, (see 91) or at any other place. That no Ale be allowed in account to any Workmen for work done at the Church.”
1732. Oct. 27. “That one line of seats 7 inches in breadth for com’on use be placed throughout the middle Isle, at an equal distance between the auntient seats, & to continue there until next Michaelmas, & no longer with’t a vestry order.”
1740. Apr. 8. “Ordered that the Clarke shall have 40s. per Ann. for cleaning the whole Church four times every year, viz. Easter, Whitsuntide, the end of August, and Christmas. And yet the Sexton shall take care yet no Bones be left about the Church or Churchyard, but carefully laid up in the Charnel house. That from this time half a crown shall be allowed for every Fox and Otter killed with’n the Parish.”
1740. July 6. A convenient vestry “adjoining to the Church” ordered to be erected.
1751. May 27. “Henceforward two bottles of Wine only shall be allowed for Trinity Chapel every day yet the Sacrament is administered there.”
1768. Oct. 9. Ordered that the churchwardens prepare stones, and other materials, in order to have the north, west, & south sides of the church raised and embattled, also the top of the church ciel’d in a handsome manner.
1778. Apr. 21. “Ordered that no allowance shall be in future made for sparrow-heads and hedgehogs.”
1781. Apr. 17. “Ordered that as it is unreasonable that persons who serve the parish should be sufferers by a troublesome office, two pounds (instead of the one pound now allowed,) shall be for the future allowed for the purpose of an entertainment annually on this day, & yet every Churchwarden shall have a right to bring three friends as guests, besides the Sidesmen and Clergymen, who are to be entertained of course, and also yet the Company shall break up by 6 o’clock in the Evening, for the sake of preserving that Decorum which becomes all business relating to the Church.”
With a List of the Incumbents of the parish of Warrington, at least so far as it is possible to render it complete, we shall close the notice of our parish church, which has been extended far beyond the limits contemplated at the outset. On examination it will be found to contain the names of several not enumerated by Mr. Baines in his “History of Lancashire.” They are, however, gathered from authentic sources, and printed in italics. The dates prefixed to them are not to be taken as those of the presentation, being merely that of the earliest mention made of them, which has come under the observation of the writer.
A. D. 1265. William de Eyburic.
* * * * * *
1397. Robert de Molyneu’s.
* * * * * *
1482. James Stanley.
1524. Richard Delves.
1531. Thomas Maria Wingfield.
1542. Nicholas Taylor.
1543. Edward Keble.
1556. Thomas Amerie.
1574. John Butler.
1579. Simon Harwood.
1581. Michael Johnston.
1589. John Ashworth.
1607. William Gillibrand.
1621. William Warde / Robert Yates.
1663. Samuel Ellison.
1665. Joseph Ward.
1690. Samuel Shaw.
1718. Thomas Egerton.
1723. John Haddon.
1767. William Farrington.
1767. Edward Owen.
1807. Robert Atherton Rawstorne.
1832. Hon. Horace Powys.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 9th Apr 1842
No. XIV.
The PRIORY at Warrington ; – Rules of the Order of Hermit-Friars. – The Friar Penker of Shakspeare one of the Brethren. – Dissolution of the Priory in 1541, but the Friar Church standing for some time afterwards.
94. On the site of the present Friar’s-Green, in Warrington, there formerly stood a Priory of the Hermit-Friars of S. Augustine, an order of monks which was introduced into this country from the continent, in the year 1260. Of the exact period when a branch of the community first settled here we have no information ; but we find in the Boteler documents of the reign of Edward I., mention made of the “ditch or fosse of the brethren of S. Augustine of Werington,” (see appendix,) which would seem to indicate that the time of their establishment here was at no long period after their first introduction into England.
95. It was the rule of the Augustines to have all things in common ; the rich who entered among them, sold their possessions, and gave their price to the poor. The early part of the morning was employed in manual labour, and the rest in reading. When they went abroad it was always two in company ; and they never ate but in their monastery. These rules, it is probable, would be most rigidly observed by the Hermit-Friars of this order, and the vow of seclusion appears to have been carried by them to its utmost extent, since the brothers had small cells provided for them, opening into the cloisters, in which their application to study or devotion would be still less disturbed than when mingling with their brethren in common. “The dress of these Friars,” says Norcort, “was ordered by Pope Alexander IV. to be a long gown with broad sleeves, a fine cloth hood, and under these black garments other white ones ; and that they should tie about their waist a leathern girdle, fastened with an Ivory bone.”
96. In 1308 we find one of the Boydells of Dodleston, lords of the manor of Grappenhall, Cheshire, granting to the Hermit-Friars of Warrington free passage for their wains through Latchford, as the price of an annual mass. There is a record dated A. D. 1379, 3 Ric. II., whereby “William Eltonhed, prior of the Hermit Fryers of the Order of S. Augustine, at Warrington, in Lancashire, and the convent there, grant to Sir Thomas Dutton, knight, a perpetual chantry ; to wit, that a sufficient fryer of the convent of Warrington shall be especially elected to pray for the salvation of Sir Thomas, his children, and of Philippa his wife, and her parents ; and for the soul of dame Ellen, late wife of the said Sir Thomas, their children and parents when they shall die, at the great altar of their church yearly for ever ; and that their names be written down in their martyrology. Whereunto the prior and convent were bound, under a penalty of 3s. 4d., to be levied by the provincial prior upon omission of such form of service ; and if for a week or fortnight it were omitted, then must they double the time omitted in manner aforesaid ; if neglected for six months, then upon pain of suspension ; if for a year, then upon excommunication, until the time omitted be made up. Whereunto are witnesses Thomas abbot of S. Werburge of Chester, Stephen abbot of Vale Royal, Richard prior of Norton, and Roger prior of Berkenhed. This was confirmed by Henry de Towesdale, provincial prior of the Hermit-Fryars of the Order of S. Augustine in England, with a special injunction, that the said persons be yearly twice commemorated before the whole convent ; once at the first entrance of the prior of Warrington into the convocation house yearly, the other time on the election-day of a fellow prior for a provincial convocation. Dated at Warrington, on Sunday next after the Feast of S. Martin, the year aforesaid.
In allusion to their black dress we find, in the will of Dame Cecill of Torboke, which bears date in AD 1466, that she designates the brotherhood “the black Frerys of Weryngton,” and bequeaths them 3s. 4d.
97. Some of the brethren of this order obtained a high reputation for learning and sanctity. Thomas Penketh, or Penker, a brother of the Priory at Warrington, is the individual alluded to by Shakspeare, when he makes King Richard III. say:
“Go, Lovel, with all speed, to Doctor Shaw, –
Go thou (to Catesby,) to friar Penker: – bid them both
Meet me, within this hour, at Baynard’s castle.”
Richard III., act iii., sc. 5.
He was a doctor of divinity of Oxford. “A great Scotist,” says Fuller, “and a prodigious memory; he was called to be professor at Padua, and, returning to England, became provincial of his order. By his last act he stained his former life, in bastardizing the issue of King Edward the Fourth, and disgraced his order, which after daily decayed, and finally dissolved in England. He died and was buried in London, 1487.”
98. In 1505 Sir Thomas Boteler is recorded in the documents connected with the family to have received in the Priory the homage of one of his tenants.
“xii die mensis Augti d’o xx’o Henr’vii Rob’tus Blundell fil’ Will’i Blundell did his homage to Sir Thomas Boteler, kt. at the frierie of Weryngton afore Hugh Boteler Thomas More and Sir William Plumbtre with many others. Id. Rob’tus payd his releif y’e xviith day of March d’o n’dec’o xxxiis. iiijd.”
In 1516 we find Richard Slawright, at that time prior of the Hermit-Friars of S. Augustine of Weryngton, one of the parties present at the entering upon possession of a messuage and garden in “le heigh Strete” of that town, leased by Randle Sonkey to Oliver Bordsley.
99. In AD 1541 the Priory was dissolved by King Henry VIII., and its site granted to Thomas Holcroft, of Holcroft, in Lancashire. He, however, did not hold it long, since three years afterwards, (AD 1544,) we find him disposing of it to John Cawdwall, for the sum of one hundred and twenty-six pounds, describing it as:-
“all that his scyt of the late house of austen freirs of Weryngton w’thin the countie of lancaster nowe dissolved with all his messuages housses buyldings barnes stabluls duffhousses orchards gardens lands and grounds as well w’t in as w’t oute the Scyt walke, circuite, & pr’yncts of the said late housse of austen freirs beyng; together with sundry lands and tenements “to the said houses of austen freirs belonginge and apperteyninge w’ch the said Thomas holcroft late had of the gyfte & graunte of our Souraigne lord kyng henry the eight by his letters pattents bearynge date at Westm’r the eightene daye of June in the xxxiith yere of hys gr’cious Raygne.”
This is an easier to read version..
“All of the site of the former house of Austin Friars of Warrington, within the county of Lancaster, now dissolved, along with all its buildings, houses, barns, stables, dovecotes, orchards, gardens, lands, and grounds, both inside and outside the site’s boundary, circuit, and precincts of the said former house of Austin Friars; together with various lands and tenements belonging to and associated with the said house of Austin Friars, which Thomas Holcroft recently received as a gift and grant from our Sovereign Lord King Henry the Eighth by his letters patent, dated at Westminster on the eighteenth day of June in the thirty-second year of his gracious reign.”
100. It would appear, however, from a reservation contained in the last clause of the deed, that the church of the Priory continued to be resorted to for the purpose of public worship for some time afterwards. For he sayd John Cawdwall doyth coven’nt and graunt for hym and hys heyres to & with the sayd Thomas holcrofte & hys heyres that he the sayd John Cawdwall nor hys heyres shall not at any time hereaft’r lette nor Interrupte the Inhabitaunts of the towne of Weryngton afforesayd for the usage & occupacion of the Churche of the late freers afforesayd accordyng unto a leasse thereoff mayd by the sayd Thomas holcrofte unto Sir Wyllyam Plumtre clerke as more playnly dothe appeare by the sayd leasse, also the sayd John cawdwall dothe forther coven’nt ffor hym hys heyres executors & assignes to & w’th the sayd Thomas holcrofte & hys heyres that he the sayd John cawdwall & hys heyres at all tymes hereafter shall quyetly suffr the sayd Thomas holcrofte or his assignes to have the ingresse and regresse into all & singuler the p’mysses above bargayned and solde to take lead & carie awaie all the stone walls of the sayd late freirs, whyche at thys present tyme be not coured w’th any Rouffe. In wytness, &c. &c.”
This is an easier to read version..
“It appears, however, from a provision in the last clause of the deed, that the church of the Priory continued to be used for public worship for some time afterward. John Cawdwall agreed and promised, on behalf of himself and his heirs, to Thomas Holcroft and his heirs, that neither he nor his heirs would at any time in the future prevent or disturb the inhabitants of Warrington from using and occupying the church of the former friars as specified in a lease made by Thomas Holcroft to Sir William Plumtre, as clearly stated in that lease. Additionally, John Cawdwall further agreed, for himself, his heirs, executors, and assigns, to allow Thomas Holcroft and his heirs, at all times in the future, to peacefully enter and exit all the premises that had been sold to take the lead and carry away all the stone walls of the former friars, which at the present time are not covered by any roof. In witness, etc.”
101. In a folio MS. of the date of 1592, in the possession of Lord Lilford, we find mention made of “the way leading from Bridge Streete to the Friar Church,” from which it is probable that the church of the Priory even at that time remained entire. What was its condition in 1640, when visited by Randle Holme, it is impossible to say; but he gives a drawing of three figures in coats of mail, which were even then in the east window. They are copied by Mr. Baines in his “History of Lancashire.” From the coats of arms which they severally bear, the figures are supposed to represent a Banister, a Holland, and Thomas, Earl of Lancaster. Benefits conferred upon the Priory were doubtless the motives which led to their obtaining this distinction.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 16th Apr 1842
No. XV.
Warrington in the Reign of Henry VIII. – Fishing-yards on the River Mersey. – Transfer of the Barony in 1587 to the Earl of Warwick; and in 1592 to Sir Robert Duddeley. – Manuscript Survey, taken in 1592.
103. Resuming the history of Warrington, with some regard to the chronological order of events, an arrangement which we had forsaken to complete our account of the Parish Church and Priory, we come to the period, viz.: the reign of Henry VIIIth., when Leland, the traveller, visited Warrington. He states that he found it more flourishing than Manchester, and his description of the town is conveyed in these quaint but comprehensive terms: – “Warrington, (a pavyd Towne) one Chirche, a Freres Augustine at the Bridge Ende. The Town is of a prety Bygnes. The Paroche Chirche is at the Tayle of al the Towne. It is a better Market than Manchester.” Camden, too, states, in 1590, that it was noted for its market: – “Notum suo foro.” Leland, after the above account of Warrington, says of Thelwall, that he found it “sumtime a havenet and little cite, as it apperith by the kynges records. Now fisch garthes marre the haven, and the old towne now a poor village. It standeth a ii miles upward from Warington.”
104. The navigation of the river Mersey appears formerly to have been greatly impeded by the numerous “fisch-garthes” or fishyards, situated along its course. A right of fishing on the Lancashire side of the river, at a spot opposite Thelwall, known as the Wilgreve, was granted, in the reign of Henry I., (A. D. 1100 to 1134,) to the Abbey of Shrewsbury, by Roger of Poictou, and the same privilege on the Cheshire side was granted, about the reign of Stephen, (A. D. 1135 to 1153,) by William, constable of Chester, to the prior of Norton. In the Duchy Records of the reign of Queen Mary we find the fishyards enumerated by name, beginning at Penketh, and following the course of the Mersey to Warrington. They are: – “Penketh Yard, – Old Yard, – More Yard, – Sonkye Mouth, – Bolde Yard, – Acton Yard, – Sonkye Yard, – Norris Yard, – Walton Yard, – New Yard, – Cresebrook, – and Anglesey Yard, at Bridge End.” The rents paid by the occupiers of these fishing-yards formed a very considerable item in the revenue of the lord of the manor; and so abundant was the supply of fish, particularly of salmon, in the river Mersey formerly, that so lately as the year 1763 it was customary, on binding a youth apprentice, to insert a clause in the indentures whereby the master stipulated that he would not oblige him to eat salmon more than twice a week. Of late years the scarcity which has prevailed of the excellent salmon and sparlings of Warrington, has rendered such a precautionary measure wholly unnecessary.
105. Immediately previous to our account of the Parish Church and Priory, we spoke of the sale of the barony by Edward Butler to Duddeley, Earl of Leicester (64.) It is not surprising that, on passing to a new possessor, who was rarely, if ever, a resident at Bewsey, we should find the series of documents connected with the barony defective at this period. When not engaged at court, it is well known that Kenilworth was the favourite residence of the Earl; and it is probable that all deeds connected with his extensive possessions were, during his life-time, preserved there. He died in 1588, and the manor of Warrington passed to his brother, Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, of whom we possess no record connected with the subject before us, farther than that of his alienating from the living of Warrington the tithes of Woolston, Rixton, and Fearnhead, and conferring them upon a hospital, founded by his deceased brother at Warwick, for the support of disabled soldiers and sailors, still known as “Leicester’s Hospital.”
106. On the decease of the Earl of Warwick, Sir Robert Duddeley, an illegitimate son of the Earl of Leicester, came into possession. The precise date of this occurrence is unknown, though it is probably about the year 1592. Upon his accession a large number of very interesting documents relative to his property in the neighbourhood of Warrington was drawn up, which have fortunately remained at Bewsey until the present day, and, with a few exceptions, in a state of complete preservation. The most valuable of these, for our present purpose, is a folio MS. upon parchment, purporting to be a Survey of the Barony of Warrington, Burtonwood, and Sankey, taken in the 34th year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, (A. D. 1592.) Its chief contents are a List of the Tenants by Military Service; the Profits derived from Tolls, Fisheries, Fairs, and the like; a complete Perambulation of the barony, describing the several houses and tenements held under the lord of the manor; and a code of laws for the civil government of the town. These last present so many features of curiosity and interest that we subjoin them verbatim. To the others, also, it will be necessary, from time to time, to refer.
107. “Here follow the ancient Customs Statutes & ordinances of the Towne of Warrington, established used and continued for the good government commonwealth & p’fitte of the said Towne.
Imprimis for the avoydinge and releevynge of the said Towne from sure Ruin as must happen by casuall fires, it haith bene ordeyned & accustomyd yet everie inhabitant who paieth xiijs. iiijd. yerelie rent or above, shall keepe a Lather of sixteene steps or above and a hooke, uppon paine to forfeite for each defaulte…xijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall breake down, cutt, or carrie awaie, his neighbours hedges, uppon paine to forfeite for each burthen so cutt braken downe or carried awaie……vjd.
Item: that when a siffe of oates, or a bushell of barlie shall be sould for xviijd. or under yet then a gallon of ale to be sould for penie halfpenny, and when the prise riseth or falleth by sixpence in a siffe of oates, or in a bushell of barlie, then the prise of a gallon of ale to rise or fall by a halfpenny, and after the rate, uppon paine to forfeite for each defaulte……vjd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall have any henne nor duck to runne in the comon streete, uppon paine to forfeite for each time yet they shall so be founde……jd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall cast or lay any donge, mucke, or fyltlie sweepinge, before or behinde his neighbours door uppon paine to forfeite for each tyme yet he offende…..ijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall caste downe no tannars nor shomakers hydes within the p’cincte of the towne uppon paine to forfeite for each hyde so cast downe…..ijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall suffer his swine to grubb nor route the grounde within the towneshippe uppon paine to forfeite for each default….iiijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall kepe an alehouse, nor brew to sell againe, unless yet he or she be firste admitted by the lorde of the manner uppon paine to forfeite for each tyme yet he or shee shall offende……vjs. viijd.
Item: yet every p’sonne or p’sonnes keepeinge an alehouse shall sell ale but in standard pottes accordinge to the assise of bread uppon paine to forfeite for each defaulte…xijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes keepeinge an alehouse shall sell any ale but in his owne house nor suffer anie p’sonne to carrye forth anie drinke unles yet he be a neighbour or markett man yet is to buy drinke to carrie forth of the towne uppon paine to forfeite for each defaulte……vjd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall buy any swine, bieffe, mutton, butter, cheise, nor such other victualls in the open markett of any markett man to sell againe uppon paine to forfeite for each defaulte……vjs. viijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’s
onnes keepeinge an alehouse within the towne shall suffer anie people to playe at cardes, tables, nor bowles, within his house uppon paine to forfeite for each tyme so offendeinge……iijs. iiijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall convey any ironware, woode, bordes, baulks, or tymber out of any man’s house unto his owne upon paine to forfeite for each offence so offendeinge..xxd.
Item: yet everie p’sonne whoe hath anie meddowe grounde w’thin the p’cincte of the towne shall suffre all his neighbours whoe keepe cattle to have easmente, waie, and carriage throughe yet same as they have used in tymes past uppon paine to forfeite for each tyme yet he shall offende……xxd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall breake, cutt, or carrie awaie anie wands or rodde to bynde swathes nor to staker anie haye withall uppon paine to forfeite for each such default……iijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall take anie bribes, fyne, nor rewarde to stopp anie action nor to cummute the lawe in anie cause uppon paine to forfeite for each such defaulte……xld.”
Item: if anie mannes swine doe come into arpley meaddows, or in howley, or in anie mannes severall corne fielde, soe longe as the corne is growinge or remayninge there, the owner of those swyne shall forfeite for each default….jd.
Item: yet everie owner of anie swyne doe keepe them sufficiently ringed when they goe about in the ffields, uppon paine to forfeite for everie time of default…jd.
Item: yet if anie p’sonne or p’sonnes shall disobey anie of the Lordes Officers in the withstanding the execution of his or their office, that p’sonne or p’sonnes disobeyinge shall forfeite for everie default….xijd.
Item: yf anie p’sonne or p’sonnes, manne or woman, shall ingrosse into their handes, by forestallinge the marckett, anie manner of victualls whatsoever to selle again, except it be within the marckett place wh. is ordered and accustomed for it, hee or they soe offend-inge shall forfeite for each default….xijd.
Item: yf anie p’sonne or p’sonnes shall drive anie loose beaste or beastes, horse or horses, in the comon Towne ffields soe long as the corne groweth or remayneth there, hee shall forfeite for everie default justly complained of….viijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall have their beast or beastes devastating in the Towne corne ffields during the time yet the corne is theire growinge or remayninge, unless they be tied or tethered, uppon paine to forfeite for each default after hee or they have been three times forewarned..iiijd.
Item: yet yf anie p’sonne or p’sonnes do make assault or ffraye w’thin the liberties of the said Towne, being provat and found by the Twelve men, each p’sonne soe offend-inge shall forfeite for everie default iijs. iiijd., and yf blud bee shadd, then each p’sonne to forfeite for each default vjs. viijd., and yf it bee duringe the ffaire, w’thin the p’cincts of the ffaire then each p’sonne soe offend-inge to forfeite for each offence..vli.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall suffer, kepe, succor, or mainteine in theire howsses anie vagabond, vagabonds, or idle p’sonnes to plaie or game at anie unlawfull game or games, contrarie to the lawes and statutes of this Realme in the case provided, uppon paine of everie time anie such offence soe p’vad & found by the Twelvemen, yet p’tie soe offendinge to forfeite for evrie falt soe made..vjs. viijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall put into the Lords comon callied Warrington heath anie horse or horses, except hee be of the value or prise of xiijs. iiijd., and in height fourteen handfulls, accordinge to the statute in the case provided, pena of each fault..iiijs. iiijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall putt into the ffields or comon aforesaid being w’thin the liberties or p’cincts of the said Towne, anie scabbed horse, mare, or gelding, or anie other beast or beastes, being infected with anie infectious disease, or sickness, uppon paine to forfeite for each default..vjs. iiijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall at anie time or times hereafter, bringe to the marckett of the said Towne anie manner of corne to selle, unlesse it bee from the botume of the sack to the topp of like good-ness, uppon paine to forfeite to the Lord for everie such default iijs. iiijd., and the corne soe found to bee distributed amongst the poore of the said Towne, by the discretion of the Lord or his officers.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall at anie time or times hereafter make anie pasture or swine loane in the ffields aforesaid, nor in anie mannor of ffields or comon, except hee be of the value and prise of xiijs. iiijd., upon paine to forfeite for each default ..xijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall hurt, marre, or make anie wounds on the trees in anie mannor of ffields aforesaid, upon paine to forfeite for each default ..viijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall make anie assault or ffraie w’thin the liberties of the said Towne, upon paine to forfeite for each default ..iijs. iiijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall driue or bringe anie manner of beastes, horse or horses, or anie other kind of cattle in anie part of the said Towne, duringe anie time of their remayninge or feedinge there, except they bee tethered or fastened, upon paine to forfeite for each default ..vjd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes dwellinge or inhabitinge w’thin the p’cincts and liberties of the said Towne, shall grinde anie malt at anie other place than at the Lordes milnes, beinge w’thin the Jurisdiction of the said Town, in paine to forfeite for everie such default ..iijs. iiijd.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 23rd Apr 1842
No. XVI.
Continuation of “the auncient Customes Statutes” &c. of Warrington.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall at any time hereafter lodge in his or theire howses, w’thin the said Towne or liberties thereof by daie or night, anie vagabonds, and the offence justly proved to forfeite for everie default soe done and made……..iiijs. iiijd.
Item: yet no p’sonne or p’sonnes whatsoever shall lay anie ashes, mudd, or make anie middinge w’thin the streetes of the said Towne, for the annoy of theire neighbours, in paine to forfeite for everie such default ……xijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes resident or inhabitinge w’thin the said Towne, or the liberties thereof, havinge anie lands adjoyninge to the water called marsey, in Arpley, Howley, or in the Banckfields,* or in all or either of theme, shall indeavour themselves to see the Bancks amended, & defended against, each on of them against his own Landes, w’th willows & other defensive provision, as shall be thought best & most convenient to the p’tie yet houldeth the said ground, & such provision yearlie to bee made in due seasonn, and hee yet will not soe indeav’r himself in due times, as is aforesaid, for the remedy and defence where neede shall require, shall forfaite to the Lord for everie roode of Land not sufficientlie remedied and defended each time….iiijd.
Item: noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall breake the Pinfold or Pound, uppon paine of everie default soe made….vjs. viijd.
Item: yet everie p’sonne or p’sonnes inhabitinge w’thin the said Towne, or the jurisdiction thereof, shall helpe, aide, and assist from time to time, and at all times, when neede shall require, the Lords officers in makinge and keepinge of the peace, and yf anie p’sonne or p’sonnes obstenalilie resist or denie the same, to forfeite for everie default soe made and done, vjs. viijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes whatsoever shall putt downe anie sweepings, or filth, or anie annoy-some thing uppon neighbours, uppon paine to forfeite for everie default soe made….iiijd.
Item: yet everie well or honest disposed p’sonne or p’sonnes for theire money, as jd. ob., shall have at anie Taverne howse, or other howses yet doth keepe, or in time to come shall keepe, anie ale to sell, excepting such howse or howses as shall keepe Lodginge, & yet such p’sonne or p’sonnes at all times have in theire howses six gallons of ale at the least, in paine to forfaite for everie default soe made….iiijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes w’thin the liberties aforesaid, shall surcharge the Lords com’on, nor the Towne ffields w’th anie manner of beaste, uppon paine to forfeite for everie default soe made iijs. iiijd., and yf the Jurie think and finde by virtue of their oath and charge, yet anie p’sonne or p’sonnes shall further deserve, then they to finde accordinge as he further deserveth……iijs. iiijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall nowe or at anie time after, w’thin the p’cinct or compasse in which the faire is or ought to bee kept, delve or digg anie Turves or Clodds, uppon paine to forfeite for everie default so made to the Lord……iijs. iiijd.
Item: yet the tow yates going into arplie be ablelie kept upp w’th yet which belongeth unto theme, sufficientlie to save the said ffields, from the time the Corne be sowen unto the time the corne bee gotten out of the same ffields, uppon paine to forfaite to the Lord……iijs. iiijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes water or dive anie flax or hemp, w’thin the limits or bounds of the said faire, uppon paine of everie time soe p’vat to forfaite to the Lord……iijs. iiijd.
Item: yet everie mann keepe upp their fronte sufficientlie uppon paine of everie roode ……iiijd.
Item: yet everie mann keepe upp their sidling in time of yeare, uppon paine of everie roode ……iiijd.
Item: yet noe manner of p’sonne shall beare anie corne sheaves out of the ffields uppon paine of everie time yet it cann be proved and founde to forfeite to the Lord…….iiijs. iiijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall sett or sell noe manner of victuall, neither fish nor flesh, nor other victualls except the same bee marcketable, uppon paine of everie time soe proved the owner to forfeite xijd. to the Lord, and the said victualls to bee forfeite, yf the said owner take it not awaie when he is warned thereof…….xijd.
Item: yf there bee anie officer of the Lords yet doth & will refuse at the request of anie p’sonne or p’sonnes, in executing theire office, or in doing such thing or things as do or may ap’teyne unto theire said office yet then & as oft as they or anie of theme soe refusing & proved to forfeite for everie time….xijd.
Item: yet is orderat by the Twelve men yet yf there bee anie p’sonne or p’sonnes yet shall rebuke anie officers sitting in the Lords court, doinge theire duties, either by word or evil demeanor, yet then either the stewards or the Bailiff shall committ theme to Ward, & also to forfeite to the Lord for everie time so doinge…….iiijs. iiijd.
Item: yet no manner of mann shall have anie stock or stockst in the streete, except a stock for neede to sitt on, also no hobb of clay there over the space of six daies in paine of…….vjd.
Item: yet all manner of menn keepe theire channells cleane, mende theire holdings, and all the gutters unto the said holdings ap’teyninge, uppon paine of everie default of…….iiijd.
Item: yet is ordeyned yet noe manner of mann w’th out the Towne dwellinge, shall putt anie beaste or cattell, as Oxenn, Kine, Capulles,† Sheepe, or Swine, in the edish time into the Towne ffields called arplie & howley, except such as have ground there, and they to putt after theire rate, as the use & custome is, uppon paine of everie beaste so found……iiijd.
Item: yet no manner of p’sonne shall make anie pitt or hole w’thin the liberties whereby noe manner of way shall bee hurt, uppon paine for everie p’sonne soe offendinge and p’ved to forfeite to the Lord .vjd.
Item: yf there bee anie p’sonne or p’sonnes w’thin the said liberties dwellinge, yet make or cause to bee made anie manner of stopp or lett, in anie p’t or place of theire lands in hurt and prejudice of theire neighbours – (rest left blank.)
Item: yf there bee anie manner of mann, being impannelled & sworne uppon a quest to inquire for the Lord, or else betwixt p’tie and p’tie, yet anie time after they beinge sworne doe shew anie manner of p’sonne of anie manner of thinge which is commoned or talked amongst the Twelve men, for everie time soe shewinge anie such thinge & p’vat w’th the same, to forfeite…….xijd.
Item: yet noe manner of p’sonne shall growe or gett anie grass in other men’s meaddowes nor ffields, w’thout licence of theme yet doe owne the meaddowes or the same grass, upon paine of everie time soe doinge to forfeite to the Lord…….vjd.
Item: it is ordeyned in the Court yet noe manner of p’sonne, w’thin the liberties aforesaid shall sew anie p’sonne or p’sonnes w’thin the same liberties dwelling and abiding, in anie other fforreyne and strange court, yf the debt bee sufficient to answere w’thin yt, uppon paine to forfeite to the Lord in everie action, vjs. viijd.
Item: it is ordered yet noe mann dwellinge w’thin the liberties, having land in arplye or houley, shall cause or suffer anie sstraunger p’sonne or p’sonnes yet is a forrener, and not permanent w’thin the said liberties, to gresse or pasture anie p’te of theire Land there w’th theire Beastes, uppon pain to forfeite..xijd.
Item: yet everie mann which hath anie Lands in howley, shall come when the Bailiff doth warne him to make the yates in howley, uppon paine of everie acre of land to forfeite…….jd.
Item: yet the Bailiff for the time beinge cause they same yates to bee made sufficientlie, uppon paine to forfeite to the Lord yerelie …….iiijs. iiijd.
Item: yet is ordered yet if anie manner of p’sonne
p’sonnes forestallinge the marckett in corne, yet is to saie either doe buy it before it went into the cheapinge place accustomed, or before yeringinge of the marckett bell, or els doe set it upp in anie howse to the intent to make the cheape there, in hurt & prejudice of the Queenes lovinge subjects, the said corne soe forestallen and bought to bee forfaited to the Queenes ma’tie, & the Receptor or Receptors in the howse thereof to forfeite …….xijd.
Item: yet the bailiff for the time beinge shall not suffer anie capulles to stande or bee kepte in the marckett steed, except such as come thither to bee sold, for yf they doe hee shall take the halters & the bridles toe the Lords use, & yf the said Bailiff doe it not, then hee to loosse everie marckett daie iiijd., & hee shall drive theme to the Townes end, as oft as hee soe findeth anie, uppon paine yet as often as hee doth lett anie passe his handes to forfeite to the Lord ……iiijd.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes dwellinge or inhabitinge w’thin the Towne, shall suffer anie bodie to sett anie corne in theire howse yet is bought in the marckett, But they shall send the Bailiff or Towler word before itt bee taken awaie, uppon paine of forfeite …….iiijd.
Item: yet is ordered by the Twelve menn yet hosoeer have anie ground in Arpley shall paie for everie acre iijd. Towards the repar’con of the highway thereto, untill yet may bee made sufficient for Cartes & Waines …….ijd.
Item: yet noe manner of p’sonne or p’sonnes dwellinge or inhabitinge in Warington, nor none of theire houshold gett anie burthens of birches, whikins, or rushes, in Bewsey parke, uppon pain for everie time soe doinge & being found to forfeite for everie time xxd. except they shall have licence of the Lord, or the Officers for the time beinge.
Item: yet everie mann yet carrieth w’th Cartt or Waine into Arpley, all times of the yeare keep the common accustomed waies, & not to goe over anie mann’s ground but his owne, uppon paine soe taken & p’sented to forfeite to the Lord ……iiijd.
Item: it is ordered by the Twelve men of Warrington yet all manner of fellonns yet bee taken w’thin the said Liberties, yet whatsoever is taken uppon the fellonns shall make theire owne cost, & discharge the Bailiffs, also it is ordered yet whosoever doth p’secute suite against theme shall bear the Constables cost.
Item: it is ordered by the Twelve menn yet all manner of swyne shalbe kepte lawfully ringed, from the feast of Michalmas untill o’r Ladie day in lent yerelie, uppon paine of everie swyne so found & p’vat ……jd.
Item: yet the Lords Officers shalbe at libertie to search three times w’thin the same space & the other times of the yeare to bee searched uppon paine of everie time soe found not lawfull to forfeite ob., and at the least yet they bee one quarter of a yeare owld before they bee finable.
Item: it is ordeyned by the Twelve menn for Exin-drops under menns walls or windowes, to the intent to hear Tales to discover theire neighbours councell, to make debate or dissention, and soe oft as they cann bee taken soe to bee punished in the stocks, and to forfeite to the Lord …….xijd.
Item: yet everie mann shall putt downe such sloopghters as bee yerelie worne in Arpley or Houley, at convenient times of the yeare, everie mann for his owne launde, uppon paine to forfeite for everie acre of ground soe harmed & unamended ……jd.
Item: it is ordered by the Twelve menn yet all laboringe p’sonnes cominge into the said Towne of Warrington before nine of the clock in the nyght, shalbe honestly harbored & lodged for theire money, at or in such howse or howses as doe confesse themselves for the time beinge to bee Innkeeps, and the Constables for the time beinge toe go w’th the said straungers & laboringe p’sonnes to the afforesaid Innkeeps equally, untill the Constables have gone over the same, and whosoever doth disobey this ordinance shall forfeite for everie time soe offendinge to the Lord ……iiijs. iiijd.
Item: it is ordered yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall bann or cursse the twelve menn sworne, for and in executinge theire office & dutie concerninge the charge of the Leete, & such things as they & everie of theme shalbe burthenat w’thall, by vertue of theire oathes, & yet everie such p’sonne or p’sonnes soe offendinge & dulie p’ved shall suffer imprisonment by the space of a day and a nyght, w’th bread & water, & to forfeite to the Lord everie time …….xijd.
Item: yet noe manner of p’sonne shall make anie middinge w’thin the marckett place, nor breake the ground theire for clay or saund, uppon paine to forfeite to the Lord everie time …….xijd.
Item: yf yet anie p’sonne or p’sonnes having ground in Arpley or Howley, doe sett the same or anie p’cell thereof to anie fforrener w’thout especial license, to forfeite to the Lord …….(
Item: it is ordered by the Twelve menn yet no manner of p’sonne or p’sonnes shall sell neither yarne nor flax before the Bell be runge, wh. shalbe at nine of the clock in Theaforenoon, uppon paine to forfeite the said yarne hemp or flax soe bought or sold to the Lord.
Item: yet noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall breake anie hedges w’thin the liberties of the said Towne, in paine to forfeite for everie default soe made and p’ved…xijd.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 30th Apr 1842
No. XVII.
Markets for Grain, Cattle, Sfc.; Mercers’ Drapers Boothes; Hempyards. Sfc., in 1592.-Remarks upon some of the earliest Buildings still standing in Warrington.
108. The town of Warrington, at the period when the survey was taken, viz., A. 1592, was, as Camden found it some years previously, ” noted for its market,” (5 103). especially for the sale of grain, flax, and hemp. Hence we find many of the statutes referring to these as staple commodities. 1 Hemp-yards, or grounds for preparing the fibrous ma, terial, are very frequently enumerated as held by the – lord’s tenants, and ” Sonky Streete” appears to have especially abounded in them. The process of prepar, hemp and flax particularly offensive, and even unwholesome. Before the fibres of the plant can be – freed from the cellular substance which binds them together, it is requisite that by steeping iv water for i, several weeks it shall undergo the process of putrea faction. Whilst this is going on, the exhalations given off are both noisome and deleterious. Hence we find one of the statutes forbidding the operation to be care ried on within the precincts of the fair, y ” Item yt noe p’sonne or p’sonnes water or dive anie B flax or hemp,” &c. “Item yt is ordered ye Twelve menn noe man. ner of p’sonne or p’sonnes shall sell neither yarn nor y flax.” &c. (See 107.)
109. With regard to grain, the mart for this com modify appears to have been restricted to the present Golden-square, which then went by the name of the – ” Chcape or Cheapinge Place,” and hence the present name of the passage leading to it, Cheapside. n Item yt is ordered jt if anie manner of p’sonne or p’sonnes forestallinge the marckett in come,” &c. v Item noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall ot anie time i- times hereafter, bringe to marckett of ye said c Towne anie manner of come to sell, unlesse,” &c. (See 107.) ‘, It is probable that a market cross formerly stood in n the Cheap’; or present Golden-square. It is “described c in one of the Boteler documents as having three shops s under it, and its site must now be occupied by the s j shop of Mr. Thomas Waddington. These erections were intended to serve as a check upon dishonest deal-1 ; ing, and to inculcate upright conduct and fairness in the transactions which took place near them between • the parties concerned in the purchase and sale of pro- J visions.
110. The present Market-place of Warrington was then known “the Beaste Marckett,” and restricted -] to the sale of live stock. It would appear, so late as t the time of Elizabeth, to have been unpaved, from the following statute ” Item yt noe p’sonne or p’sonnes shall no we or at anie time after, w’thin ye p’cinct or compasse in which i ye faire or ought to bee kept, delve or digg anie s “Turves or Clodds,” &c.
111. The market for vegetables was held in the pre-1 j sent Butter Market-street; and, indeed, such was the , case until a very late period. On the door-post of the , Fox Tavern, in this street, an inscription which j refers to this, and which, without explanation, would perhaps appear mysterious: – POTTA TOES AND A f EES DOWN M WARDS »I 1704.
112. The shambles for butcher’s meat, until within comparatively late period, were ranged on each side of the upper part of Bridge-street, and the inconvenience |nience to passers-by, thus occasioned, will still remain -i in the recollection of many. That tbe principal mar’ ket in the town had been held here from a very early period is manifest by the mention of the ” Marketh gate” in deeds of the time of Edward I.
113. The venders of cloth, the mercers and drapers, were accommodated with ” boothes,” such as we now find in use by butchers only the windows being destitute of glass, were wholly open to the weather. Yet, . comfortless as they must inevitably have been, they ap- pear to have formed a considerable item in the rental of the lord of the manor. The occupier of each ” boothe” upon an average paid forty shillings per annum for his stall, – a price which appears exorbitant for the period, when it is borne in and that no dwelling-house was ‘ attached. It could only be submitted to from their ! situation being in the most frequented and fashionable ! thoroughfare of the town of Warrington in the year 1592. There arc two localities, – one a short street leading from the front of the Town Hall to Golden-square, and the other now known as Temple-court, which the police-office lately stood, which, at the time of the survey, were respectively known as the ” Little Boothes,” and ” Boothe Lane.” Here a congregation of mercers and drapers offered their wares, in hovels little calculated to display the perfections of their gay commodities, but admirably 60 for concealing any unlucky defect. Here, too, the merchant was constantly to be found, when the day was fine, and the purchasers numerous, (or in his absence his apprentice,) parading before the front of his boothe, and provoking the passer-by to purchase, by 1 ;uding the perfection of his commodities, as he ran them over rapidly by name, or the more general application of the customary cry – What d’ye lack ? What d’ye lack ?” “Then to the Chepe I began me drawne, Where mutch people saw for to stonde ; One ofred velvet, sylke, and lavvne, An other lie taketh meeby the honde – Here is Parys thred, and finest in tbe lande.”
114. There is a tradition that the proprietors of these open booths were in the habit of keeping within their doorways a supply of oaken cudgel, for the use of any casual passers-by, who chose to amuse themselves the recreation of cudgel-playing, a sport then rising into high vogue in this part of Lancashire.
115. The tenants of the lord of the manor of Warrington yvere formerly compelled to grind their corn and malt at the lord’s mills, which seem to have been a source of considerable revenue. We therefore find this duty enforced in all the ancient charters and leases, viz., that the tenant should grind his corn and malt at the lord’s mills in Werynton and Sonky. The mills in Sonky were both water mills, and probably occupied the site on Sankey Brook, where a mill yet stands. A wind-mill stood upon the present Pinmakers Brow, which then formed part of Warrington Heath, and until very lately was known as Wind-mill Hill. We have reason to conclude, from several circumstances, that the malt-mill stood in the lower part Bridge-street. We find all these mil’s referred to the survey, and the tenants enumerated, together with their several rents.
116. The survey acquires much additional interest by allording the means satisfactorily pointing out: some the houses of earliest date the present day jo standing in Warrington. The Brown Cow public- ft house, in the Market-place, has been generally sup- posed to be of longer standing than any other, sf, supposition which has arisen from the affixed to it ci being the earliest which remains. But from the survey we learn that there are several others still standing, which were in existence at the least thirty years previously, and for how much longer is uncertain.
117. Tradition asserts that the house in Fennel street, occupied by Mr. Thomas Wright, gardener, r , is five hundred years old, and of course formed part of the old town of Warrington, which was almost entirely p restricted to Church-street. Although an assertion tl founded upon such questionable evidence will at’.mit of d considerable doubt, yet its internal appearance displays a very primitive condition architectural skill. The building was originally raised upon ten oaken beams, rudely smoothed by the axe, one end each being sunk in the ground, and the other ends meeting n pairs, so as to form ridge from which ‘he roof sloped direct to the ground. Wherever this arrangement is t found in England, it is invariably looked union the architecture of a very early period” Dr. Whitaker ex- presses much doubt whether any specimens exist of later | a date than the time of Henry I. Originally the spaces a between the beams were filled with a plaster made of clay and sticks, but these were removed some time . t ago, and brickwork substituted. The south end of c the building was likewise taken down, and supplied by \ a modern erection, but the parlour still displays two ‘ r pairs of the oaken beams, or crooks, with the rafters r between them, wholly uncovered by plaster, shew- ing the construction of the walls and roof. This roof t is open from the floor to the point where the beams ‘ meet, and has a very stately appearance. The floor j was originally of clay, but is now flagged. The house is distinetly spoken of in the survey (AD 1592,) that time the residence of “Richurde < fforber junior," who appears to have been a man of substance. As the particulars given respecting it * afford a good idea of the value of such a tenement at that time, and also of the tenure by which it was held from the lord the manor, it will be interesting to \ extract these. The directions given in the Perambulation" for finding it are: - "followe downe ye Lane," (Back-lane, now School-lane,) from Havffe Oldshaw's howse westward vntill you come lothend of ye Lane; then tune over fenell streete south-westward unto howse on ye west side ye way now ye Tenure of Richarde fforb 118. Although no date is to be found the house at M irket Gate, now occupied by Mr. Houghton, »et it described the survey as the resi enee of Wakefield pedagogus,” (schoolmaster.) His house, 1 yard, and garden occupied the site of the present George Inn, and the shops annexed to it. 119. The houses of the parish clerk, and sextop, near the gate of the church, were then occupied, – the former by Richarde Highfield, who held one of the fish-yards on the Mersey, the latter by Jhon Aspinad geneross,” or gentleman.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 7th May 1842
No. XVIII.
Remarks continued upon some of the Earliest Buildings still standing in Warrington. Tke Patten Family. Sale of the Barony in 1597, to Thomas Ireland, Esq., of Halewood; Curious Inventory by him in 1615.
120. So much of the Old Town Hall of Warrington, (oi Court House, as it is termed in the survey,) as still remains in the square now known the Little ‘ Corn Market, is evidently a building of early date. If, however, we may judge from one of the stones at the west end of the building, which bears some sculptured characters, the materials of which it is built are the remains of a still earlier erection, for it has clearly at one time been in juxta-position with another stone, bearing a continuation of the inscription, and now lost. The figure appears to be that of a pair of shears for sheep, preceded an initial letter T, and probably referred to a company of wool-staplers, though of the existence of such a body in Warrington we possess no farther record. Another stone near it has clearly formed part of a rude cornice. At this end of the building, too, formerly stood a square turret or small tower, with pinnacles at the corners, and steps leading , up to it, so as to obtain access to the town-bell which hung here, and, as is shewn by the inscription which it bears, was the gift of Col. John Booth, in the year [ 1647, at which period he was governor of the town, as an officer of the parliament: – “EX DONO lOHANNIS BOOTH ARMIGERI COLONELLI ET RECTORIS EMPORII DE WARRINGTON. ANNO DOMINI 1647.” In 1812, when the turret or belfry was removed, the bell was transferred to Trinity Chapel, where it still remains. The Court-room, occupying the whole of the second story, and to which the courts leet were formerly summoned, is now the only portion of the building remaining in the possession of the lord of the manor, but, like the rest, is now made use of as a store-room for goods. The approach to it was by a flight of stone steps and a door, still remaining, though in a dilapidated state, in the passage leading from the Little Corn Market to Golden-square. The cells or apartments below the Court-room appear to have been formerly used as a prison, for, in the year 1745, a party of rebels captured at Culloden, and on their route to London, were confined there for night. One of these hovels in the “Little Boothes,” on the south side of the Courthouse, now occupied by Mrs. Charnock, seems to have undergone very little alteration from the period when it was tenanted by one of the mercers or drapers. In the marriage settlement of Edward Butler and Jane Brooke it is valued at 40s. per annum, and is probably the only “boothe” now remaining.
121. On the north side of the Market-place there ormerly stood, – or, if now remaining, they have sustained very considerable alteration, a number of houses, then occupied by some of the first families of the town. Within the recollection of persons still living, the whole frontage of this range of building was formed by the pointed gables, and ornamental wood and plaster, of which the Barley Mow public-house now affords the only specimen. Over the whole luxuriant vines were trained, contributing, with the oldfashioned porch, and lounging-seat or “stock,” at the door of each, to give to the whole picturesque appearance, rarely found now-a-days in England, but often admired in continental landscapes.
122. The building, of which a part is now occupied by the Warrington Library, was the residence, in the year 1745, of a family of considerable influence, of the name of Chesshyre, (hence ” Chesshyre’s-lane.”) Being Jacobites in politics, a suite of apartments was, at the time of the Scotch rebellion in that year, sumptuously fitted up for the anticipated reception of the Young Pretender. The tapestry with which the walls were hung is now in the possession of William Beamont, Esq.
123. The date 1661 on the fttont of the Barley Mow public-house defines the period of its erection, and both the internal arrangement and exterior appearance afford a beautiful specimen of the style of architecture prevalent at that time. The front rooms on the second floor are particularly worthy of notice. The window, which runs along the whole length of the building fronting to the Market-place, contains a number of small panes of painted glass, and though many of them have been removed, sufficient remain to prove them of Dutch or Flemish manufacture, and of a superior style of art. The subjects are illustrative of Fables, together with 3ome scriptural emblems, and in the lower part of the window there was, until within the last few years, a lengthy inscription in the Low Dutch language. A door-way opens from one of the rooms into a small wamscotted closet or oratory, one side of which completely covered with richly and curiously carved oak, shewing images of saints, twisted pillars, elaborate foliage, and the like. This retired and circumscribed apartment has been manifestly appropriated to the purposes of private devotion A very similar place of retirement is f oun d in an old house in Booth-lane, on the front of which we find inscribed:-
“SEPT. XV. 1628. WB. RA. EA. lA. HHC.”
but of the history of this ancient, and now desolate ma S lon a \ e een able t0 Procure no information. U*. the Legh Arms public-house, which was taken down short while since, by the inscription on its front, was clearly of a still earlier date than the adjoining one (the Barley Mow), of which we have spoken. It appears to have been erected by Sir. Peter Legh, kt. in the year 1639, and was subsequently the residence of a branch of the Patten family, described in the records of the Blue Coat School as “Pattens o’th Corn Market,” in distinction from the ” Pattens o’th Lane,” the elder branch. When this house was taken down, the workmen employed discovered, in an old entrance to the cellars, which had been long bricked up, a quantity of letters and other documents, bearing date about the year 1635, and referring principally to the Patten family. Some were letters of business, apparently to one of the family engaged in the manufacture of woollen goods, for one of them requested that a quantity of a certain description might be sent without delay to the writer at Chester, and offering profitable bargains- in wool. Other letters referred to matters more strictly on family concerns; thus, some were from a parent to his son in London, containing much sage and good advice, and others apparently in reply to these paternal exhortations. One in particular is amusing, as giving a lengthened detail of the manifold dangers and hazardous escapes incurred at that time in a journey from Warrington to London, whither it would appear that the young man had gone to study the law. Next follow numberless promises to conduct himself creditably; and always bearing the fear of the Lord before his eyes, he hopes eventually to become both a clever lawyer and an honest man. But this young scion of the family rather inconsistently closes his epistle by congratulating his mother on having sold the old horse at so good a priGe, since it was very clear that his working days were oyer.
125. The Pattens claim an ancestry coeval with the Conquest, as a Patine (another mode of spelling the name) came over with the Conqueror, as a table, some time in Battle Abbey, is, on the authority of Stow’s Chronicle, said to have testified. Humphrey Patten, second son of Richard Patten, of Boslow, in Derbyshire, a younger branch of the original Pattens of Waynflete in the county of Lincoln, settled at Warrington in 1536, and married Jane, daughter of Thos. Rixton, of Great Sankey. His tombstone still remains on the north side of the Parish Church, with the inscription – ” Here lye interrd Humphry Patten son of Richard Patten * * * Waynflete, and Thomas Patten his oldest son.” They were first known as Pattens of Patten-lane, (now Eagle and Child Yard), about the year 1561. Their former residence here is now occupied by Mr. Preston, druggist, and Mr. Peter Davies, tailor and draper. A wooden beam in part of the premises occupied by Mr. Stirrup, cabinetmaker, still exhibits the date and initials IVLY 1111 1650. TP SD.,” – a reference to Thomas Patten, who married Susan Drinkwater, and died AD 1663. The celebrated William of Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, Lord Chancellor of England under Henry VI., and Prelate of the Order of the Garter, was of this family. He was the founder of Magdalen College, Oxford, and so munificent a friend to Eton College, that on the register he is styled ” Discretissimus vir et providissimus.” In 1698, Mary Patten married Thomas Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man, better known as the ” Good Bishop Wilson,” who, twelve years previously, had been licenced to the curacy of Newchurch, in the parish of Winwick, of which his uncle, Dr. Sherlock, was then rector.
126. To resume our history. Sir Robert Duddeley ( 106) held the barony of Warrington for five years only. In 1597 he sold the same to Thomas Ireland and Richard Bould, Esqrs., the latter of whom subsequently disposed of his share to Thomas Ireland of Halewood, who thus became sole possessor. He was younger branch of the ancient family of Ireland, lords of the Hutt and Hale, one of whom, Johannes de Hibernia, came over with the Conqueror. In 1617, Thomas Ireland was knighted by King James 1., but appears to have been often severely pressed for money, and in his will, dated 1605, twelve years before his death, he ” bequeathes his bodie to the dark without any pompe, in regard his estate is sore burthened with debt.” Amongst the documents preserved at Bewsey is one in the handwriting of Thomas Ireland, entitled A privy note of goods Remayninge in the howse of Bewsey Anno d’ni 1615.” The whole of this manuscript is highly curious and amusing. We regret that want of space mu3t limit us to a selection most likely to interest the general reader. From the garret to the buttery the old man leaves no corner unexplored, and unscrupulously enters every trifling item in his inventory:-
“My Mrs. April. Imprimis her gownes
Item another ould one in making upp j
Item Tyers for her hedel iij
Item 7’iffinges j paire etc. etc. etc. boxes and Cabinetts in her ould Closett, and what is in them.
Item a litle truncke j
Item sweete bugges therein ij
Item a guilte newe testam’te in a Case j
Item a table booke j
Item a booke of pictures j
Item burnes to marke thinges iij
Item litle paunes for biskett bredd viij
Item a litle Tynne paune to roste Aples Inne j
Item a warmeing paune of silver j
Item a pastith plate of pewter j
Item silver spoanes with apostle heads * xij
Item ginny dishes vij
Item in a drawe boxe twoo fj Jett j
Item Nutmeekes sewed over tj
Item a pommander cheyne j
Item a silver square and patches of velvett j
Item a litle showe made for a purse with iiijd therein j
Item a boxe of Ivory w’th iij basketts of Cherrie stones j
Item a litle deske w’th S’r Tho. Astones armes theron found therm a sweete bagge drawen worke… j
Item a black case for toathe pickes Item case w’th a paire of shithers j
etc. etc. etc. Butterie stuffe.
Item one earthen pott to make egg pye inne j
Item Squirte to make Silliebouckes w’th in the sommer j
Item a cage to keep Quales innef ij
Item Poulering netts for fishe ij
Item ould netts for the weares iij etc. etc. etc.
Item a bed with furniture at the schole mrs.
Item another at the horse mylne
Item another at lower mylne
Item another at the hygher mylne,” etc. etc. etc.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 14th May 1842
No. XIX.
Curious Extract from the “Memoirs of Edward Alleyn.”- Visit of King James I. to Bewsey in 1617. – The “Book of Sports.” – Account of John Middleton, “the Childe of Hale.” – Sale of the Barony of Warrington in 1628 ; subsequent changes. Notices of Warrington by Travellers in 1634.
127. In the “Memoirs of Edward Alleyn,” lately published by the Shakspeare Society of London, from original MSS. preserved in Dulwich College, of which he was the founder, we find a curious narrative connected with Warrington and its neighbourhood. Alleyn, and his father-in-law, Philip Henslowe, filled the office of “masters of the games” to King James I., or, as stated in an official document, were “Chief mrs. rulers, and overseers of his ma’ties game of bears bulls and dogges.” In virtue of this office they had the power of seizing to the king’s use “anie such bears, bulls, or dogges,” as appeared likely to die game, and afford good sport. Notwithstanding they were ordered to give in exchange a reasonable sum in money, it is scarcely to be expected that they would be allowed to pick out the best dogs in the kingdom without occasional resistance ; and accordingly, in one of the predatory excursions made by the servants of these purveyors to his majesty’s royal amusement, we find that they were severely handled, and threatened with committal to Chester Castle, on a charge of feloniously stealing a dog belonging to Mr. Venables, of Acton, in Cheshire. The Earl of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain, thought it becoming his office to interfere in behalf of the dog-deputies, and sent a letter enforcing their rights, which is thus addressed : – “To my lovinge friendes Thomas Dutton, John Ireland, Thomas Brooke, Edward Stanley, Thomas Marbury, and John Ashton, esquires, justices of the peace in the county of Chester and Lancaster.” “Special complaint is made against one Lathome, Richard Penketh of Penketh, Richard Massey his servant, and Ralph Barnes of Warrington.” The worshipful justices, however, appear to have sympathised rather with Mr. Venables than with the dog-stealers, in which capacity they inform his lordship that the deputies of Alleyn and Henslowe are about to be subjected to legal proceedings. They cleverly nullify the “commission for taking up of dogges in Lancashire and Cheshire,” by telling his lordship that inasmuch as all the parties named in his letter are resident in Lancashire only, they “must be proceeded withall before we can well deale with anie other.” The dates of this singular correspondence, Mr. Collier, the editor, remarks, are July and August 1613, and he is not aware of the existence of any other documents of a similar description.
128. In the year 1617 it appears that Warrington was honoured by his Majesty King James I. passing through it, on his way to Rocksavage, in Cheshire, the seat of Sir Thomas Savage, having spent the preceding night at Bewsey. The following is the narrative of the occurrence, given by William Webb, in his Itinerary:-
“Yet never since the foundation of it, (the magnificent fabrick of Rocksavage,) was it more graced, than when it pleased our gracious sovereign (James I.) in anno 1617, to accept the princely entertainment which there for his majesty, and whole train, was prepared by the honourable Sir Thomas Savage ; his royal majesty taking his repast there, and killing a buck in Halton Park, after he had that morning come from Bewsey, where his highness had lain at the right worshipful Sir Thos. Irelands, now vice-chamberlain of Chester, whom then of his free grace he knighted.”
129. The complaints made to his majesty, on the occasion of this visit, by the lower orders of the people in Lancashire, relative to the prohibition exercised upon their recreations in the afternoons of Sundays and Holydays, by the ministers of religion, led to the publication of a manifesto by the king, commonly known as the “Book of Sports,” in which he strongly deprecates such restraint, alleging that it was exercised only “by two sorts of people, wherewith that Countrey is much infested, (Wee meane Papists and Puritanes.)” And as for Our good peoples lawful Recreation, Our pleasure is, That after the end of Divine Service, Our good people be not disturbed, letted or discouraged from any lawful Recreation; Such as dancing, either men or women, Archerie for men, leaping, vaulting, or any other such harmlesse Recreation, nor from having of May-Games, Whitson Ales, and Morris-dances, and the setting vp of May-poles and other sports therewith vsed, so as the same be had in due and convenient time, without impediment or neglect of divine Seruice; And that women shall have leave to carry rushes to the Church for the decoring of it, according to their old custome. But withall Wee doe here accompt still as prohibited all vnlawfull games to bee vsed vpon Sundayes onely, as Beare and Bullbaitings, Interludes, and at all times in the meaner sort of People by Law prohibited Bowling.
130. And likewise Wee barre from this benefit and libertie, all such known Recusants, either men or Women, as will abstaine from coming to Church or diuine Seruice, being therefore vnworthy of any lawfull Recreation after the said Seruice, that will not first come to the Church and serue God: Prohibiting in like sort the said Recreations to any that, though conforme in Religion, are not present in the Church at the Seruice of God, before their going to the said Recreations. Our pleasure likewise is, That they whom it belongeth in Office, shall present and sharply punish all such as in abuse of this Our libertie will vse these exercises before the ends of all diuine Seruices for that day. And Wee likewise straightly command, that euery person shall resort to his owne Parish Church to hear diuine Seruice, and each Parish by itselfe to vse the said Recreation after diuine Seruice. Prohibiting likewise any Offensive weapons to be carried or vsed in the said times of Recreations, And Our pleasure is, That this Our Declaration shall be published by order from the Bishop of the Diocesse, through all the Parish Churches, and that both Our Judges of Our Circuit, and Our Justices of our Peace be informed thereof.
“Given at Our Mannour of Greenwich the foure and twentieth day of May,
in the sixteenth yeere of Our Raigne of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland the one and fiftieth.
God save the King.”
130. At this period was living at Hale, near Warrington, the celebrated John Middleton, commonly known as “the Childe of Hale.” Mr. Matthew Gregson, in his “Fragments of Lancashire,” gives the following account of him: – “He was born AD 1578, and buried in Hale church-yard, 1623: his grave-stone is still to be seen. He was of a prodigious size. Sir Gilbert Ireland, knt., about 1617, took him up to the court of James I., where he wrestled with the king’s wrestler, and put out his thumb, by which awkwardness he disobliged the courtiers, and was sent back, the king giving him, as it is said, £20. He returned by Brazenose College, Oxford, which was full of Lancashire students, and where his picture was taken, and now exists. A likeness of this English giant is also preserved at High Legh, and one at Hale. His size is thus mentioned in Plot’s History of Staffordshire: – ‘John Middleton, commonly called the Child of Hale, in Lancashire, his hand from the carpus (wrist) to the end of the middle finger was 17 inches long, his palm 8½ inches broad, and his whole height 9 feet 3 inches, wanting but 6 inches of the height of Goliath, if that in Brazenose College Library, drawn at length, as it is said, in his just proportions, be a true picture of him’ – On comparing these dimensions with the picture now at Hale, they were found to be an exact measurement. Some years ago when the late Mr. Bushell was parish-clerk and school-master, the thigh bones, or ossa femoris, were taken up from the earth, and were observed to reach from the hip of a man of common size to his foot. There was only one place in which he could stand upright in the cottage which he inhabited at Hale. The cottage now remains; and his bed-posts, of a very uncommon size, were very lately to be seen. A descendant of his, Charles Chadwick, was living in 1804, and was above six feet high.”
131. To the Rev. William Stewart, incumbent of Hale, the writer is indebted for the following additional information. The tomb-stone of “the Childe of Hale” is only of common size; 7 feet long, and 2 feet 3 inches wide.
The letters, which are run in lead, are three inches long, and the inscription is as follows:-
‘BORNE 1578. HERE LYETH THE BODIE OF JOHN MIDDLETON THE CHILDE. DYDE 1623.’
The bones spoken of by Gregson were re-interred many years ago in the church-yard, but the precise spot is now unknown. When at Oxford, in the summer of 1841, Mr. Stewart was shown the outline of Middleton’s immense hand, marked out on a stone pillar in one of the wine-cellars at Brazenose College, and on comparing the dimensions with the painting at Hale, the correspondence was found to be exact.
132. In our last “Contribution” we fell into the error of attributing, to Sir Thomas Ireland the singular expression which occurs in the will of his son, who also bore the name of Thomas. The correct date of the will is 1635, whereas Sir Thomas Ireland died in 1627-8. Whether the injunction of his son, (? 1626,) that his body should be committed “to the dark without any pompe, in regard his estate was sore burthened with debt,” was complied with, we are ignorant; but Gregson (Fragments of Lancashire) says that his funeral, in 1638, is described in the Harleian MSS., No. 2129, art. 123. His wife was Margaret Baldwyn’s, who was interred at Warrington, as recorded in the Parish Register. “B. (burial) Mrs. Margaret Ireland of Bewsey the 14 day februarie 1639.” One of his sisters, (Margaret,) it may be remarked, married John Jeffreys, of Acton, in the county of Denbigh, and was the mother of the notorious Judge Jeffreys, Chancellor of England under James II., and still more noted for his ferocious and abusive deportment on the bench of justice.
133. Thomas Ireland disposed of the manor of Warrington, in 1628, to William Booth, Esq., of Dunham Massey, in Cheshire, for the sum of £7,300, reserving the Bewsey estate, which his only daughter Margaret, having no direct heir, though married to her cousin Sir Gilbert Ireland of the Hutt and Hale, bequeathed to the Athertons of Atherton; and an heiress of this family marrying the father of the present Lord Lilford, the Bewsey estate now rests with the possessor of that title. The manor of Warrington was sold in 1766, by one of the family, to John Blackburne, Esq., of Orford, and with his representative by descent it still remains.
134. The following is an extract from a “Topographical Excursion in 1634:” – “After breakfast the following day, we bid this good company adieu,” (an alderman, parson, organist, and another honest gentleman of Wigan.) “This honest parson would not let us passe w’th out a speciall token, and badge of his Love, presented every one of us a piece of Canall Plate, which we kindly accepted off, and so shooke hands, and away for Chester, through many fayre Towns, but especially two sweetly built and situated, (Newton and Warrington,) and by as many fayre statelye seates and situations, and more especially two, the one a goodly Castle and Parke, a large privileg’d place, placed on a big Hill, Houghton Castle, the other not far from that (Rock Sauadge, the Lord Sauadge’s) sweetly and stately situated, upon a curious ascent near the bank of a pleasant River (the Weaver) which there meets another river, (the Marsie,) and so runs into the sea; the latter of w’ch Rivers divides these two famous county Palatines, Lancaster and Chester, by a great and fayre Arch Bridge.
135. Also that sumptuous rich building and Parke of that noble Lord’s (Frodsam Sir Jno. Sauadge’s,) and another neat Seat of a knight’s (Sir Peter Lee’s). Before we came thither we past through a Towne, where the worth of the Parsonage we cannot forget, deserving a marginall Note, (Winwike, worth £2,000 p’r. ann’m.) There we bestowed some small time in viewing such a Church, as maintains such a fat Rector, and in her the Monum’ts. and Chappell of the Gerrards.”
136. As a traveller who has favoured Warrington with his notice, it would be wrong to omit mention of the celebrated Barnaby Harrington, (or, as some maintain, Richard Brathwaite,) perhaps better known as “Drunken Barnaby,” who wrote his original Journal in rhyming Latin, in or about the year 1634, the date of the last quoted traveller. It would appear that at the time of his visit the town was suffering from one of those overflowing’s of the river Mersey which are, even at the present day, often productive of serious inconvenience, and loss of property.
He says:
“Veni Warrington, profuentes
Rivos ripas transuentes
Spectans, multo satius ratus
Aeris terris quam in aquis,
Vixi laute, bibi lete,
Donec aquas signant metæ.”
(TRANSLATION.)
“Thence to Warrington, banks o’erflowed,
Travelers to the town were rowed;
Where supposing it much better
To be drown’d on land than water,
Sweetly neatly I sojourned,
Till that deluge thence returned.”
We beg leave to follow Barnaby a short distance into Cheshire; in the first place, because his Journal speaks of a tavern at Budworth still in existence, and likewise from its affording a proof that the cognomen of “Drunken Barnaby” was by no means misapplied.
“Veni Budworth, usque Gallum,
Ubi bibi fortem allam,
Sed ebrietate captus,
Ire lectum sum coactus;
Mihi mirus affuit status,
A duobus sum portatus.”
(TRANSLATION.)
“Thence to th’ Cock i’ Budworth, where I
Drank strong ale as brown as berry,
Till at last with deep healths filled,
To my bed I was compelled;
I for state was bravely sorted,
By two porters well supported.”
Note: These two translated texts highlight the playful nature of the “Drunken Barnaby’s Travels,” blending humour and a vivid description of the places visited.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 21st May 1842
No. XX.
The Civil War.— lntention of Charles I. to raise his Standard at Warrington. Rendezvous of the Troops for the Attack upon Manchester. The Parliamentarians beaten off in April, 1643.— Warrington taken by them in the May following.
137. We now reach a period of our history,—that of the civil war between Charles I. and his parliament, which with us must ever remain a memorable epoch, inasmuch as Warrington appears to have been destined at the outset of the strife to be the scene of several of the struggles which took place between the contending parties. When Charles, with a scanty number of adherents, had repaired from London to York, the Lord Strange, afterwards James, seventh Earl of Derby, joined him with three thousand followers, from Lancashire. ” The first considerable debate,” says the author of ‘The House of Stanley,’ ” wherein he eminently, and perhaps enviously, shewed himself, was concerning the most convenient place for setting the king’s standard. York, Chester, Nottingham, Shrewsbury, and Oxford being proposition,—his lordship having heard the several reasons and opinions offered, and well weighed and considered the arguments for their support; at last, with quiet and calm humility, interposed to the following effect. That with humble submission to his majesty and his council, he conceived Lancashire to be convenient place to erect his majesty’s standard in, and raise a considerable army ; urging, that it lay in the centre of the northern counties, to which the loyal parties of Yorkshire, Cumberland. Westmoreland, Cheshire, Shropshire, North Wales, and Nottinghamshire, might have ready and easy access ; that he apprehended the inhabitants of that county, both gentry and commons, (at least for the greatest part,) well inclined to his majesty’s just cause that the people are usually very hardy, and make good soldiers, and that he himself (though the unworthiest of his lieutenants,) would, to the utmost of his estate, contribute to his service ; and that he durst promise three thousand foot and five hundred horse, to be furnished out at his own charge: that he made no doubt but in three days to enlist seven thousand men more under his majesty’s pay, and to make an army of ten thousand men in Lancashire, to which the accesses from other counties might, in a short time, arise to considerable army ; and that he hoped his majesty would be able to march to London walls, before the rebels there could form an army to oppose him.” Eventually it was determined in his majesty’s councils, that the first open declaration of war, the raising of the royal standard, should be made at Warrington, from its forming convenient rallying-point for the forces raised Lancashire and Cheshire. Lord Strange was dispatched from York into the former county, and speedily raised sixty thousand men, wellarmed and loyal to their sovereign. But enemies ‘ amongst the courtiers who remained with the king poisoned the ear of his majesty with unjust suspicions of his lordship’s truth and loyalty, and this led to the royal standard being first displayed at Nottingham, on the 22nd of August, AD 1641.
138. Warrington was, however, without delay, garrisoned and fortified the royalists; and in the month of September, 1642, was the place of meeting for the troops destined for the siege of Manchester, then held by the parliament. “On Saturday, September 24th, in the night, came certain intelligence to the town (Manchester), that great forces were coming from Warrington against it, led on Lord Strange, Lord i Molineux, and many other gentlemen, who all assisted ! with men and money. Part of Lord Strange’s forces j came through Cheshire, and part on the other side of the river Irwell; the breaking of a wheel which car- j ried their ordnance retarded the forces, that they came j not in view of the town till about nine o’clock on the ‘ Lord’s Day in the morning, and at that time sundry j companies appeared in open view. Then two gentle- j men were sent to know the reason of their coming such a hostile manner ; his lordship stayed one of them ! as a hostage, and sent Capt. Windebank to require entrance, and that he might march with his army into the town, which was unanimously denied him; and on this very day (as it is credibly reported) the Earl of Derby, his father, died in sorrow and discontent at his son’s unnatural actions against his native countrymen.” * The force dispatched from AVarrington consisted of “at least 4000 foot, seven pieces of ordnance, 200 dragoons, and 100 horsemen ;” but after a series of attacks upon the town, the leader of the roy- ; alists, now, by the death of his father, become Earl of Derby, was induced, in compliance with a summons from his majesty, to join him at Shrewsbury, to raise the siege of Manchester in the early part of the ensuing month of October. With no happier success he commanded an attack upon Birmingham, and failing here also, the earl returned to Warrington, which he made his head quarters. ” The county of Lancaster,” says a parliamentarian, ” grievously disturbed and divided into two factions; the Papists and malignants, whereof there are many in Lancashire, taking one part, and the well-affected Protestants the other. The Earl of Derby, the great ringleader of the Papist faction, keeps his rendezvous at Warrington, whither great multitudes of ill-affected people, both out of Lancashire and Cheshire, daily resort, it being upon the frontiers of both these couiities. They make daily great spoil in the country, which has so much incensed the people, that they are determined, tide death, tide life, to endure it longer.”
139. The Earl of Derby, during his stay at AVarriugton, is said have occupied low thatched house, still standing the south side of the upper part of Church-street, and it was probably here, and on this occasion, that he returned an indignant refusal to the tempting offers of the parliament, that if his lordship would engage in their good cause, he should have command equal to his own greatness, or any of his ancestors. ” The purport of these letters,” says the historian of the House of Stanley, “raised greater indignation in his lordship than all the slights and indignities he had received at court, whereupon he vouchsafed them no other answer than that he gave to the colonel who brought the message— • Pray tell the gentlemen at Manchester, and let them tell the gentlemen at London, that when they hear I turn traitor, I shall hearken to their propositions; till then, if I receive any other papers of this nature, it shall be the peril of him who brings them.’
140. the early part succeeding year Warrington was thrice attacked by the parliamentary forces, and with varying success. For the details of these occurrences we cannot do better than borrow:-
Extracted from Genuine Account of the Siege of Manchester, in the months September and October, 1042, taken from a Letter an Inhabitant of that place, who was Eve-witness thereof.’ the words of contemporary writers, since they are copious, and beyond doubt authentic. “About March 18, 1643,” says Burghell, t a parliamentarian writer, Sir William” Brereton, with most of his horse, went to Northwich, and in Easter week, the Manchester and he agreed to meet at Warrington, to gain that town from the Earl of Derby, who had strongly fortified it, being there himself. “On Monday in Easter week (April 3), Captain Ardern and some other captains, with their companies, faced the town.
The earl, perceiving their strength but small, (for neither Sir William nor the Manchester forces were come up to them,) issued forth with great strength into the Cheshire side, where the parliament forces were, slew some, took others prisoners, and had like to have routed them all, had not Sir William with his forces come at the instant to their aid, which the earl perceiving, (being at Stockton Heath, where the skirmish wns,t) retired speedily into the town, having left some of his own men; and towards the middle of the week, the Manchester forces being then come, Sir William and they begirt the town about, and fiercely nssaulted’it, having gotten Sankey-bridge, fair house of one Mr. Bridgeman’s, and some of the outer walls, and within short space was likely to get the whole, which the earl perceiving, set the middle of the town fire, protesting that he would burn it all ere they should have it; which the parliament forces perceiving, (seeing the fire increase,) to save it from desolation, withdrew their forces, after they had been there three days, and so departed for that time.
About the middle of May, Sir William Brereton and all his horse were at Stafford, from whence they came to Nantwich, and some forces out of Cheshire marched to meet the Manchester forces at Warrington. Whitsunday, May 21, they planted ordnance, and beset the town around”, played upon it, and it upon them, all that week, it being” strongly fortified, and the soldiers behaving themselves bravely. But bread and other necessaries being scarce, on Saturday, May 27, they came to a parley, when it was agreed the town should be rendered “up, and that the captains and commanders should depart, with every man his horse and pistols, and all the soldiers to pack away, and leave all their arms, ammunition, and provisions behind them.
On Trinity Sunday (May 28) Sir George Booth, being lord the town, entered it, and was joyfully entertained by the inhabitants. There were slain on the parliament side only four, and two of the town, wherein the mercy God appeared.”
141. We may add to this extract another bearing the same occasion from the Siege of Preston, 1643,” by anonymous but apparently contemporary writer. ” The Manchestrians, with their faithful and valiant German engineer, marched on to Warrington, a place also of good strength and great resort of the enemy, which presently they came before, and set down and besieged it in form ; the enemy immediately fled to the church and steeple, and exceeding boldly and resolutely defended themselves for some time, but the brave Manchestrians environed them on every side, raised a battery against the church, and obliged the enemy to surrender themselves prisoners of war.”
142. It is not irrelevant to remark in this place, that on an examination of the parish register, we find no entry from May 21, 1643, when the town was invested by Sir W. Brereton, and on which day a christening is recorded, until the 30th of the same month, where we find the register of the burial of Alice Peake. other burial until that of Peeter Hatton 9 day of June. “Providence Improved.” in several fields near the Bed Lion, at Stockton Heath, there are still to be seen irregularities of the ground, which are probably the remains of earthworks thrown the parliamentarians.
Note: There is difference of one day in the date of the surrender given by Josiah Uicroft in his ‘Survey of England’s Champions, AD 1047.’ Hosavs Warrington in Lancashire taken by the valorous and faithful Manchesterians’, with all the Arms and Ammunition, the 9th of May. 1G13.”Elsewhere he designates Sir George Booth “faithful, free, grave, godly, brave Booth, the flower Cheshire.”
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 28th May 1842
No. XXI.
Warrington taken by the Parliamentarians a second time; – Remarks upon this and the preceding Siege. Committee of Sequestration in 1645.- Colonel John Booth. – Defeat at Winwick of the Scots Army under the Duke of Hamilton, A. D. 1648. – Autograph Letter of Cromwell – Local Traditions connected with the period.
143. Although we have seen (140), that the town of Warrington fell into the hands of the parliamentary forces on the 28th or 29th of May, 1643, it must have been speedily re-captured by the royalists, since we find it again invested and taken by storm early in the following month of June, though of the precise date we find no record. The Earl of Derby was not present upon this occasion, the command of the town being vested in Colonel Norris.
“The enemy of their country,” (the royalists,) says the ‘Account of the Siege of Preston,'” being haunted like as many ravenous beasts out of every strong hold, the whole county of Lancaster was wonderfully and providentially freed from all the toils, fears, and calamities they had so long time undergone in this unnatural war, Warrington only excepted; where a party of the enemy had collected themselves together after they had been dispersed from thence: but about the beginning of June the brave Manchestrians again formed themselves into a body, and with the greatest courage and alacrity marched towards Warrington, determined to dislodge them; they presently arrived there, and immediately stormed the town, and forced the enemy, sword in hand, to surrender, notwithstanding Lord Capell had sent the enemy word at Warrington that if they would hold out the town a little longer he would certainly relieve them; but the messenger was intercepted by the Namptwich forces, who, understanding thereby Lord Capell was marching that way, they set out with all speed to White-church, and suddenly surprised that town, slew 150 of the enemy, and took forty prisoners, some of them men of great worth and quality:- took 500 arms, and ammunition of powder and bullets, and manned and fortified the town for the King and Parliament. At Warrington were taken at least 600 prisoners, and eight pieces of ordnance: This almost put an end to the civil commotions in this part of the country.”
In what the military defenses of the town of Warrington, which we here (140,) find spoken of as a place of good strength, consisted, we have no record to inform us. The Earl of Derby is stated to have strongly fortified it, and the “outer walls” of the town are expressly mentioned by Burghell. We can scarcely suppose them to have been of any great extent, since no remains now exist, and as the steeple of the church appears to have been thought a point of greater security, and better adapted for resistance, than any erection specially devoted to the purpose. The battery of the parliamentary forces was, beyond doubt, placed on the “Moot-Hill,” near the parish church, which, tradition asserts, was raised higher than its former level for this express purpose. The recent excavation of the hill has strongly confirmed this idea; and, amongst other curiosities which have been brought to light, are a few which may be referred to the period now under consideration: of these the most remarkable are portions of horses’ trappings, the hilt of a sword, and an ancient military spur, in very good preservation. The traces of cannon shot are still visible on the eastern end of the chancel, and to the same cause may be attributed the shattered condition of the mullions of the east window. The stained glass, both here and in the Boteler’s Chapel, was most probably at the same time wholly destroyed, as we find a minute of a Vestry Meeting, (92,) in the year 1647, in which the glass of the windows is ordered to be replaced, and other repairs of the church to be undertaken, since it was then “far decayed in respect of the long disasters.”
145. The small loss of life incurred during the siege would argue that the military operations resorted to were not very extensive. Indeed it redounds but little to the credit of the townspeople that the surrender of the place should have been eventually brought to an end at the end of a week “they came to a parley, when it was agreed that the town should be rendered up.” — With every disposition to allow due honor to the vanquished, we cannot but look upon the circumstance as an apt illustration of the common saying, that whilst the Englishman has his stomach well replenished, he will fight bravely to his latest breath, but cannot withstand the appeal of a craving appetite.
146. The spirit of resistance to the dominion of the parliament was, however, effectually quelled, and for a while we hear of no further military achievements at Warrington. Colonel John Booth, brother of Sir George Booth, already mentioned, was appointed the military governor of the town, and showed himself well disposed towards its inhabitants (120).
Whilst under his control we find a Committee of Sequestration sitting here in 1645, with whom the gentry who had forfeited their estates to the parliament might compound for their restitution. On the 11th of July in this year there is an ordinance of this Committee dated at Warrington, restoring to Jane Eccleston, of Eccleston, in the Parish of Prescot, one-fifth part of her deceased husband’s estate, which had been sequestrated to the parliament. According to local tradition, the meetings of the arbitrators were held at the house in Lovely Lane, now known as the “Clap-gates.” Two years later, namely in 1647, the Committee was sitting at Preston; and amongst the number of those who compounded with them for their estates we find the names of Edward Bridgeman, of Sankey Bridges, £100, and Ann Fearnley, of Warrington, £21.
147. Colonel Booth’s command at Warrington does not appear to have continued long after this period, for, under the date of May 29, 1648, we find the following passage, extracted from a newspaper of the day, preserved in the “Cromwelliana,” in which, after a second appointment to the office of military governor of the town, he fell under the suspicion of the higher powers: — “Colonel John Booth having formerly been entrusted with the government of Warrington, and having done divers good services for the Parliament, was, out of that apprehension, appointed by the Deputy Lieutenants of Lancashire to resume the government of that town, upon the occasion of the alarm given by the enemy in Westmoreland, and since that time many delinquents and malignants were enlisted under Col. Booth, who kept company with cavaliers; and a party of Cromwell’s horse coming this week into Warrington, did out of some cause of suspicion seize Col. Booth, and some delinquents and malignants; and hereupon many of the malignants enlisted under him, as well commanders as common soldiers, fled away for fear of Cromwell’s horse, and were taken by the soldiers of Lancashire, in the company of Col. Gerrard, and other delinquents, and are sent in safe custody to Liverpool, by warrant from the High Sheriff, and Col. Rigby. – Pach. of Lett. May 29.”
148. When an attempt was made by the Scots, in the summer of 1648, to rescue Charles I. from the hands of the parliament, the army to which this undertaking was assigned, commanded by the Duke of Hamilton, was encountered by Cromwell, at Kibblesdale, near Preston, on the 17th of August, and signally defeated. Continuing their march southwards, on the 19th, the Scots made a stand at the high ground between Newton and Winwick, known as the Red Bank, and with a still more fatal result, leaving a thousand slain, and two thousand prisoners.
Traces of this sanguinary engagement are even yet of frequent occurrence, in the form of swords, broken guns, fragments of the armor of the time, and the like. In a field near the scene of action, still known from the circumstance as the “Gallow’s Croft,” several soldiers were hanged after the battle, and the spot remains marked by a large stone; but we have no knowledge of the crimes for which the culprits were singled out to undergo this special form of punishment. Outrages such as these were, doubtless, terrifying to the peaceful inhabitants of the surrounding district, as was evidenced, a few years ago, (1828,) by the discovery of a number of old brass vessels in the moat of a farm-house in the neighborhood, where they had probably been cast in the apprehension of a visit from the reckless troops, or in the hurry of a flight from the proximity of such dangerous neighbors. The moat is now nearly filled up, and the vessels are not uncommonly met with in the houses of the poor laborers, serving the purpose of cooking utensils.
149. From the battle-ground at Red Bank to Warrington, the vanquished Scots were hotly pursued by Cromwell; and here the whole of the infantry, to the number of 4000 men, surrendered themselves, upon the bare condition of their lives being spared. An autograph letter of Cromwell, containing the details of the battle and surrender, is still in existence. The following is an extract from it:—
“Aug. 20. 1648.
To the Speaker of the House of Commons.
The next Morning the Enemy marched towards Warrington, and made a stand at a Pass near
Winwick; we held them in some Dispute until our Army was come up, they maintaining the Pass with great Resolution for Many Hours; but our Men, by the Blessing of God, charged very home upon them, beat them from their standing, where we killed about a Thousand of them, and took (as we believe) about Two Thousand prisoners, and prosecuted them home to Warrington Town, where they possessed the Bridge. As soon as we came thither, I received a Message from Lieutenant-general Bailey desiring some Capitulation; to which I yielded, and gave him these Terms.
That he should surrender himself, and all his Officers and Soldiers Prisoners of War, with all his Arms, Ammunition, and Horses, upon Quarter for Life, which accordingly is done.
Here are took about Four Thousand complete Arms, and as many Prisoners. And thus you have their Infantry ruined.
Your very humble
OLIVER CROMWELL”
150. The cavalry of the Scottish army, about 3000 in number, escaped, and were led by the Duke of Hamilton through Cheshire and Staffordshire, to Uttoxeter, where they were utterly overthrown. The duke himself was taken prisoner, in which condition he remained until the period of his public execution, which took place in London, A. D. 1649, shortly after that of his royal master.
151. Tradition assures us that Cromwell, on the above occasion of his visiting Warrington, took up his abode in the house now the sign of “General Wolfe,” on the north side of Church-street.
It is likewise said, that when the infantry of the duke’s army, after their surrender, were dismissed by Cromwell to their homes in Scotland, the victorious troops of the Parliament were ranged on the “Town-Hill,” which was probably then, as we find it described in the time of Queen Elizabeth, formed by the whole of the elevated ground between the present Scotland-road (vulgarly “Under the Hill,”) and the Horse-market street. The disarmed prisoners, on their departure, defiled beneath their conquerors, taking this route to gain the north road: hence its present name of Scotland-road, or, as we find it in the map of Warrington, published in 1772, Scotland Bank.
(For further details about the Moot Hill, see an account of “THE MOOT HILL AT WARRINGTON” in the Manchester Courier for December 18, 1841.)
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 4th Jun 1842
No. XXII.
Charles II.. his Expedition from Scotland, in 1651, if Opposed General Lambert, at Warrington ; Lord Clarendon s Account of the Engagement ; Autograph Letters of General Lambert.
152. In the year 1651, the young king. Charles IT., after his coronation Scone, Perthshire, led large army of Scots into England, and, on his route to Worcester, he reached Warrington, on the 16th August. Here was opposed by General Lambert, who had been hurried on by Cromwell, in advance of the main body of the parliamentarian army, which followed Charles more slowly. Lambert, however, retreated before the royal forces, after some skirmishing nt the bridge, and upon Latohford Causeway. ” In 1651,” says Bankes, in his Life of Cromwell, “the king’s army marched through Lancashire, where, at the head of it, he (Charles II.,) was proclaimed, as he passed along, all the market towns. But he met not with that encouragement which he expected, for, besides that the Scots daily deserted him, the countries did not come in as he believed they would, being continually disturbed the forces of the commonwealth. The passage of Warrington Bridge, in Cheshire, was sharply contested with him Lambert; but at last his majesty carried it, and, continuing on his march with great expedition, on the 23rd of August he came to Worcester.” The royal army passed the bridge, Charles himself leading the van, which consisted of his own life-guards. For some distance along the Latchford Causeway, the royalists pressed hard upon the republican rear, but the pursuit was soon discontinued, and Lambert accomplished his retreat in good order, and with scarcely any loss.
153. Lord Clarendon, in his History of the Rebellion, gives the following interesting particulars of the engagement:-
“When the king’s army came about Warrington, in Cheshire, they found that there was body of the enemy drawn in a fair field, which did not appear considerable enough to stop their march. This was Lambert, who had made so much haste that he had that day fallen upon some of their troops, and beaten them into the army, but when the army came Lambert, according to his order and purpose, retired, and, being pursued by the king’s horse with a greater party, made more haste than a well ordered retreat requires, but with no considerable loss. This success made great noise, as Lambert had been defeated.” (Book 8.j —Lord Clarendon further states, that body of the royalist troops lay in ambush the Hell-Holes* on the Causeway, and flanked the parliamentarian cavalry, as they came to reconnoitre along the road, killing a great many of them.
154. Charles has been often and severely censured for not, this occasion, forcing Lambert to a decisive engagement. The forces of the parliament were inferior to his in number, and their evident wish to retreat before him did not betray any confidence their resources. Indeed, as we shall presently see, the republican generals themselves allow that it was his interest to engage. Delaying the contest could only add to the strength of his opponents, by allowing of a junction with Cromwell, who was rapidly advancing from the north, and with Fleetwood, who was bringing troops from the metropolis, the union of whom rendered the forces the parliament so formidable at Worcester. Perhaps we may find a solution of he mystery in a passage from Lord Clarendon, which would seem to shew that the royal troops were little to be depended upon in the open field.- “Upon appearance of that body of Lambert’s, the whole army was drawn up, and appeared very cheerful. The king having observed David Lesley throughout the whole march sad and melancholy, and that time when the enemy retired, and plainly in a quicker pace than a good retreat used to be made, slow in giving orders, and residing by himself, his majesty rode up’ to him, and asked him with great alacrity, ‘ how he could sad, when was in the head of so brave army?’ (which he said looked well that day,) and demanded of him, “How he liked them ?’ To which David Lesley answered him in his ear, being some distance from any other, ‘ that he was melancholy indeed, for he well knew that army, how well soever it looked, would not fight;’ which the king imputed to the chagrin of his humour, and gave it no credit, nor told it to any man, till some years after, upon another occasion, which will he remembered in its place, he told the Chancellor of the of it.” (Hist, of Rebell., (book 13.J) On the occasion here alluded to Lord Clarendon relates, ” that his told him that melancholick conclusion which David Lesley made at Warrington Bridge, when be told the king ‘ that these men would never fight ;’ which his Majesty had never, he said, told to any before.”— (book 14.j)
155. The following letters from Major-general Harrison to the Lord-president Bradshaw, are valuable, as presenting us with the official narrative of the engagement at Warrington :-
No. 1. “At the Camp near Warrington Bridge, the 6th day of the Bth Month, about 11 £m the Morning. My Lord, Having joined with major-general Lambert, about 12 at noon on the 13th. inst. on Hazle Moor within seven miles of Preston ; the enemy, according to our best intelligence, lying then on Elhill Moor, four miles this side Lancaster, and that evening marched to Haworth Moor, within eight miles of Preston, and yesterday through Preston towards Wigan ; designing, as we conceive, to get up to Warrington Bridge before ; and yesterday receiving sudden account of their marching through the town, we crossed the country, and about one of the clock this morning reached Bolton; and after some short stay for refreshing our men, we marched away for Warrington, where we are now, in conjunction with about 4000 foot and dragoons, raised in Cheshire and Staffordshire. We are improving the little time we have not before them here, to the spoiling of the fords and passages on the river, especiallg between us and Manchester; leaving those only open to them, where, if they attempt a passage, may be most considerable to make opposition, and, if the Lord will, engage them. Wherein we wait his pleasure and providence concerning us, not questioning but, if we be clearly called to give them battle, or i f they seek us out and force to it, (as in reason it seems much to be their interest) before my lord general comes up with the foot and train, which is by this time about Bernard Castle, we shall find our hearts filled with a heavenly power from the Lord, and see his antient arm lifted up, as in former times, against his enemies. I am Your most humble Servant T. Harrison. P. S. We expect this day they will attempt lo force their passage at some of the narrowest passes, where they apprehend our resistance least considerable. We are appointing a council to consider whether we should not withdraw, tho’ there be a spirit given generally to press engage them, if the Lord should vouchsafe an open field for it.”
No. 2. “Upon the March from Knutsford town, Congleton. Aug. 17, 1651, about nine of the clock. yesterday the 16th, the enemy came on with their whole army, and pressed to pass at the Bridge and Fort near it, which we had broken down, and spoiled as well as we could in so short time. A company of our foot were drawn down to the barricade of the bridge, who behaved themselves gallantly, and gave the enemy opposition, till said cause to draw- them off, securing their retreat by parties of horse, which did, because we were unwilling to engage the whole army, where our horse could not come to make service through the enclosures.
The enemy hereupon hastened over their whole army and their king in their van, if not Forlorn, winch was his own Life-guard, as some prisoners told since; and pressed hard upon our rear, whereof Col Richard had the guard, who wheeled off parties, and charged them thence as they came on, and the Lord corruption The Uowt,” which is itself again a corroption of TkeheaH, the name of the township to winch this locality is situate. genera! who had accompanied the army from This is the only mention we find made of fort near the bridge. its existence there are now remains, unless the semicircular row of piles which are seen at very low water in the bed of the river, little the tvcslitanl the bridge, ana I IeV&MI the of the Bridge Inn, are reahty such. every time caused those of the enemy that were so forward, to fly before us. We killed the officer that commanded one of their parties, and two or three troopers, and some country men since briny us word that 28 of theirs were slain in the several skirmishes, and but of ours that I can hear of, and at the bridge. As they fell on, they cried. Oh you rogues, we will be with you before your Cromwell comes ; which ma le think they would press engage with all speed. are drawing up at Knutsford Moor to wait them, tho’ hear since, that they marched a good part of the night on the London Road. Four faith ful Scrvt. Tiios. Harrison.”
In the Parish Register there is no entry between the 3rd and of August, 1651, which are both christenings, buton the entered the burial of “Walter Hoape servant to the duke of Buckingham.”
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.
Published: 11th Jun 1842
No. XXIII.
The Earl of Derby visits Warrington, in the hope of raising Troops to join Charles II, – Conference with the Presbyterians — his death at Bolton – Insurrection of Sir George Booth, in 1659 – his Defeat at Warrington, by General Lambert. Conclusion.
156. King Charles II. had summoned the Earl of Derby from the Isle of Man, to join him in Lancashire, on the route from Scotland, (152,) with such forces as he could raise upon the emergency. The earl landed at the mouth of the Wyre in the Fylde, at the head of three hundred gentlemen, and hastening southwards he arrived at Warrington, but not until three days after the king’s encounter with Lambert, (153,) and subsequent march to Worcester. Major-general Massey, however, had remained at Warrington, to await the arrival of the earl, with credentials from his majesty empowering him to raise troops in this neighborhood. “Upon notice whereof,” says the historian of the House of Stanley, “his lordship hasted to Warrington, where he met the major-general, who that very night brought in many of the Presbyterian party to his lordship; who, addressing them, acquainted them that he was come from the Isle of Man, to do his Majesty all the service in his power; that the king had given him an assurance under his own hand, (of which he gave them a sight,) that all those gentlemen of that persuasion would be ready to join with him; that he was to that end ready to receive whoever were pleased to come to him, and with them to march immediately to his majesty.
To this one of their ministers, in behalf of himself and the rest of his brethren, replied to his lordship, that his lordship would put away all the persons he had brought from the Isle of Man, and that he himself would take the covenant, and then they would all join with him.
To this his lordship replied, ‘Sir, I hope this is only your own opinion, and therefore I desire that the gentlemen present will be pleased to deliver their own sentiments.’ When all made answer, that their minister had spoken their thoughts; adding, that his majesty had taken the covenant, and thereby gave encouragement to all his subjects to do the same; and that if his lordship would not put away all papists, and enter publicly into the solemn league, they could not join him.
To this his lordship replied, that upon these terms he might long since have been restored to his whole estate, and that blessed martyr Charles I. to all his kingdom; that he came not now to dispute but to fight for his majesty’s restoration, and would, upon the issue of the first battle, humbly submit himself to his majesty’s direction in that point; that he would refuse none, of any persuasion whatsoever, that came in cheerfully to serve the king; and hoped they would give him the same freedom and latitude, to engage whom he could for his majesty’s preservation, and that he was well assured that all those gentlemen whom he had brought with him were sincere and honest friends to his majesty’s person and interest.
To the same effect major-general Massey seconded, his lordship, wherein he made use of the strongest arguments and exhortations, to lay aside all animosities, and depart from their former mistakes; and by his and other examples embrace this opportunity, which God had put into their hands; and to join with the Earl of Derby, in manifestation of their own duty and loyalty, and the vindication of themselves from all attempts or intention of usurpation, that they were suspected of, and then lay upon them.
But the whole party insisted peremptorily upon their demands, to have all the papists disbanded, and the Earl of Derby to take the covenant, without which they would not join him; who, perceiving it was vain to press them any further upon that subject, the old leaven having taken too much effect, and soured them too far to be sweetened by any arguments or reasonings whatsoever: therefore his lordship only added before parting, ‘Gentlemen, if you will not be persuaded to join with me, I make no doubt but in a few days to raise as good an army to follow the king as that he now has with him, and by God’s blessing to shake off the yoke of bondage resting both upon you and us; if not, (continued he,) I cannot hope to effect much; I may perhaps have men enough at my command, but all the arms are in your possession, without which I should only lead naked men to slaughter; however, I mean to do my utmost for his majesty’s service, and if I perish, I perish; but if my master suffer, the blood of another prince and all the ensuing miseries of this nation will lie at your doors;’ his lordship then took horse, having with him only the worthy gentlemen that came with him from the Isle of Man, and some few of the royal party that were come in to him.”
157. Of the effect which this lukewarm loyalty had upon the mind of the noble earl, we have a distressing evidence recorded in another account of the period.
“It is reported by some about the Earl of Derby, that he is very melancholy and much perplexed about the unadvised course he has run; for the last Thursday at Warrington, at dinner he said he was born under an unfortunate planet, and that he thought some evil constellation reigned at the hour of his birth, with many such other words of passion and discontent.”
Foiled in his attempt to rouse such a spirit of loyalty amongst the professing royalists of this neighborhood, as should induce them to join him, the earl repaired to his rendezvous at Preston, and marching southwards from thence, at the head of six hundred horse, with intent to overtake the king, he was encountered on the 25th of August, and defeated by Colonel Lilburn, at the desperate engagement in Wigan Lane.
From thence his lordship fled, with a few attendants, and, having joined the king, was one of the prisoners of rank taken after the disastrous battle of Worcester, (Sept. 3rd., 1651.) Having taken his trial, and notwithstanding a clear promise of quarter for life, received condemnation at Chester, he was conveyed to Bolton, where he suffered death by the axe of the executioner, on the 10th of October following. On his route to Bolton, he was led through Warrington as a prisoner, on Tuesday the 14th of that month, having left Chester that morning, and sleeping the same night at Leigh, near Winwick.
158. We have seen (137,) that a mere unfounded suspicion of the Earl of Derby’s honor prevented the first open demonstration of the Civil War taking place at Warrington; and it is a singular coincidence that the last contest which took place between the partisans of the commonwealth and the monarchy, did really occur here.
We offer the following account of the battle as a translation from ‘Les Memoires’ of Edmond Ludlow, a republican of considerable influence, and one of the judges on the trial of King Charles I.:—
“The 6th. of August 1659 Colonel Lambert set out from London at the head of three Regiments of Cavalry, one of Dragoons, and three of Infantry, and marched against Sir George Booth, who had about 4000 men. The enemy had seized upon the Town of Warrington, where they had placed a Garrison of 300 men, the main body of the Army was on the other side of the River, and had left a considerable detachment to guard the Bridge. It was at this point that the engagement took place. The enemy was the first to attack, and sent a detachment to skirmish with the foremost of Lambert’s men, but meeting with a repulse they retired nearly to the Bridge; their Cavalry consisting of 1700 or 1800 men, of whom, it was said, the one half were Gentlemen, began to take to flight before our party had well advanced to the charge, leaving their Infantry scattered. There were only 30 or 40 horse, commanded by Captain Morgan, who with a view of securing their retreat remained firm, but nevertheless not one escaped. Many Infantry escaped by leaping the hedges, and concealing themselves. But their best security was that they had to do with men who had a greater wish to spare life than to take it, so that although the enemy were entirely defeated, there were not more than forty killed. From six to seven hundred Cavaliers fled to Chester by different parties; but not thinking themselves safe there, they spurred on to the North of Wales, and the City surrendered to Colonel Lambert.
Sir George Booth dressed himself as a woman after his defeat, and thought to have reached London by the aid of two men-servants, behind one of whom he traveled. The other who went before came to an Inn on the road, and ordered supper for his Mistress who from the horse, or by some other deed, which had an appearance of mystery. Resolved to ascertain what it was, he called to his aid several of the neighbors, and with them entered the chamber where the pretended Lady was. Booth suspecting their intentions, and wishing to spare them further inquiry, made himself known. He was seized immediately, and carried to London, where the Parliament sent him prisoner to the Tower.”
The death of Cromwell had taken place in the year preceding this outbreak, and the restoration of Charles II ensuing shortly, Sir George was restored to liberty, and afterwards created Baron Delamere of Dunham Massey. A brief account of the subsequent history of this family has been already given.
With the termination of the Civil War the writer brings to a close his “CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF WARRINGTON.” The remarks with which he commenced the series render unnecessary any apology for the style of unembellished narrative in which they have been written, and which he is aware alone lay within the bounds of his ability. Such as they are, he has been greatly encouraged by the remarks of his personal friends, and these have had an influence in prolonging the subject over a space beyond what he contemplated at the outset. He likewise feels that an interest has been excited in their perusal even amongst those who are not directly connected with Warrington or its neighborhood.
The writer has had frequent occasion to regret the absence of those numerous pictorial illustrations connected with the subject which he was able to bring forward at his lectures, but which the limits of a weekly newspaper would not allow to be here introduced. As it is, he considers himself deeply indebted to the liberality of the proprietor of the Manchester Courier for the pains which have been bestowed upon the typographical part of the undertaking, and for the encouragement given to this historical work.
There yet remains to be introduced a brief Appendix, alluded to at the commencement as containing a pedigree of the Boteler family, and translations of a few ancient charters, which possess interest in reference to facts which have gone before. A few weeks must unavoidably elapse before these can appear, since they require revision, and the opinion of a gentleman who has devoted much attention to the subject.
Abbey: No. 111., No. XV.
About: No. XX.
About March: No. XX.
Above: No. XI.
Ac: No. VIII., No. XII.
According: No. XXI.
Account: No. V., No. VI., No. VIII., No. XIX., No. XXI., No. XXII.
Acker: No. VII.
Acton: No. XIX.
Acton Yard: No. XV.
Additionally: No. XIV.
Adelardus: No. I.
Aeris: No. XIX.
After: No. I., No. V., No. VII., No. XI., No. XIX.
Agreed: No. XIII.
Air: No. I.
Aitos Button: No. XII.
Alabaster: No. XII.
Alablaster: No. V.
Alas: No. VIII.
Albertus Grelle: No. I.
Alderton: No. VIII.
Ale: No. XIII.
Alice Peake: No. XX.
Alicia: No. I.
Alicia Plumpton: No. 111.
Alis: No. 111.
Alis Wolly: No. 111.
All: No. 111., No. V., No. XII., No. XIV.
All Lancashire: No. VIII.
Alleyn: No. XIX.
Allusion: No. XIII.
Almaric: No. IV.
Almaric Boteler: No. I.
Almost: No. VI.
Alphonso: No. 111.
Also: No. IX., No. XIX.
Although: No. XVII., No. XXI.
Alyne: No. I.
Ambrose: No. XV.
Amendment: No. VII.
Amidst: No. XII.
Ammunition: No. XX., No. XXI.
Amongst: No. VI., No. X., No. XI., No. XIII., No. XVIII.
An: No. I., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XVII., No. XXI.
Ancestors: No. IX.
And: No. IX., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XI., No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XXI.
And Our: No. XIX.
And Wee: No. XIX.
Anglesey Yard: No. XV.
Anima Tho: No. XII.
Ann: No. XIII.
Ann Fearnley: No. XXI.
Anna Savill: No. V.
Anne: No. XII.
Anniversary: No. IX.
Anno Domini: No. VI.
Annunciation: No. XII.
Another: No. VI., No. XVIII.
Antiphone: No. IX.
Antiq: No. XI.
Antiquities: No. I.
Aples Inne: No. XVIII.
Apostle: No. IV.
Appendix: No. XXIII.
Apr: No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XV., No. XVI.
April: No. 111., No. IX., No. VIII., No. XI., No. XII., No. XVIII., No. XX.
Ar: No. X., No. XII.
Araunderness: No. I.
Arch Bridge: No. XIX.
Archerie: No. XIX.
Arches: No. VIII.
Argent: No. X.
Armes: No. I., No. XIII.
Armor: No. X.
Armour: No. XII.
Arms: No. XX., No. XXI.
Army: No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Arpley: No. XVI.
As: No. 2., No. V., No. VII., No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
As Mr: No. VI.
Ashton: No. VIII.
Ashurst: No. 111.
Assignees: No. XIII.
Assistance: No. VII.
Astones: No. XVIII.
At: No. 1., No. 111., No. I., No. IV., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XVIII.
At Warington: No. VII.
At Warrington: No. XXI.
Atherton: No. VIII., No. XII., No. XIX.
Athertons: No. XIX.
Attack: No. XX.
Aug: No. 2., No. XIII., No. XXI.
Augti: No. XIV.
August: No. 2., No. I., No. VI., No. VII., No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Augusti Anno Millessimo: No. VI.
Augustine: No. 111., No. XIV.
Augustine Priory: No. I.
Augustine Warrington: No. 111.
Augustines: No. XIV.
Aunccstors: No. IX.
Austin Friars: No. XIV.
Autograph Letter: No. XXI.
Autograph Letters: No. XXII.
Avio: No. XII.
Award: No. VI.
Aye Maria: No. IX.
Az: No. X.
Back: No. XVII.
Bade: No. V.
Bagott: No. XII.
Bailey: No. XXI.
Bailiff: No. XVI.
Bailiffs: No. XVI.
Baines: No. I., No. V., No. XIII., No. XIV.
Ballate: No. VIII.
Banckfields: No. XVI.
Bancks: No. XVI.
Banister: No. XIV.
Banisters: No. I.
Bankes: No. XXII.
Barge: No. VII.
Barley Mow: No. XVIII.
Barnaby: No. XIX.
Barnaby Harrington: No. XIX.
Baron: No. 111., No. VII.
Baron Delamere: No. XXIII.
Barony: No. I., No. X., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVIII.
Batalle: No. VIII.
Battle Abbey: No. XVIII.
Baynard: No. XIV.
Bayne: No. VII.
Beare: No. XIX.
Beaste Marckett: No. XVII.
Beastes: No. XVI.
Beatrice: No. I.
Beausey: No. 111., No. I.
Beausey Insurrection: No. I.
Beawsey: No. IV.
Bed Lion: No. XX.
Bede: No. X.
Before: No. XIX., No. XVII.
Being: No. VII.
Being Jacobites: No. XVIII.
Bell: No. IX., No. XVI.
Bellman: No. IX.
Bells: No. IX.
Beneath: No. VIII.
Benefits: No. XIV.
Benvdih: No. XII.
Berkenhed: No. XIV.
Bernard Castle: No. 1.
Betwixt: No. XVII.
Bewcy: No. IV.
Bewgenett: No. VI.
Bewsey: No. I., No. IV., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XII., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVI., No. XVIII.
Bewsey Anno: No. XVIII.
Bewsey Halt: No. IV.
Bewseye: No. VI.
Beyond: No. VII.
Bidstone: No. IV.
Bilcroft: No. V.
Birkenhead: No. IV.
Birkhede: No. IV.
Birmingham: No. XX.
Bishop: No. VII., No. XIX., No. XVIII.
Blackburn: No. I.
Blessing: No. XXI.
Blois: No. 111.
Blue Coat School: No. 111., No. XVIII.
Blundell: No. XIV.
Bnilers Chappell: No. XII.
Bodleian: No. V., No. VI.
Bodleian Library: No. V.
Body: No. XII.
Boiiller: No. 111.
Bolde Yard: No. XV.
Bolton: No. 1., No. XXIII.
Bones: No. XIII.
Book: No. XIX., No. XXII.
Boone: No. XVII.
Boote: No. VII.
Booth: No. XII., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Boothe Lane: No. XVII.
Boslow: No. XVIII.
Boteleir: No. XII.
Boteler: No. I., No. IV., No. IX., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIV., No. XVII., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Boteler Family: No. X.
Boteles: No. XII.
Botesers: No. XII.
Both: No. VIII.
Botiller: No. 111., No. I., No. IV., No. VII.
Botillers: No. I., No. IV., No. V., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XII.
Bowling: No. XIX.
Boydells: No. XIV.
Bradley: No. VI.
Bradley Hall: No. VI.
Bradshaw: No. XXII.
Brazenose College: No. XIX.
Brazenose College Library: No. XIX.
Brereton: No. XX.
Brethren: No. XIV.
Bridge: No. 2., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XVII., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Bridge End: No. XV.
Bridge Ende: No. XV.
Bridge Inn: No. 2.
Bridge Street: No. VII.
Bridge Streete: No. XIV.
Bridge Toll: No. VI.
Bridgeman: No. XX.
Brigadier: No. VIII.
Brigadier General Douglas: No. VIII.
British Museum: No. X.
Brittany: No. 111.
Brought: No. VIII.
Bruche: No. X.
Bth Month: No. 1.
Buckingham: No. 2.
Budworth: No. XIX.
Building: No. XIII.
Buildings: No. XVII.
Bullbaitings: No. XIX.
Burghell: No. XX., No. XXI.
Burton: No. IV.
Burtonwood: No. I., No. VI., No. XV.
Buryinge: No. IX.
Bushell: No. XIX.
Business: No. IX.
But: No. I., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. X., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIX., No. XVI., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Butler: No. VIII., No. X., No. XII., No. XVII.
Butler Arniig: No. XII.
Butlers: No. X.
Butlers Redish Cotes: No. XII.
Butteleer: No. VI.
Butter Market: No. XVII.
Butterie: No. XVIII.
Button: No. XII.
By: No. I., No. VIII., No. XIV., No. XIX.
Bygnes: No. XV.
Cabinetts: No. XVIII.
Calamitous State: No. VII.
Camden: No. XV., No. XVII.
Camden Society: No. I.
Camp: No. 1.
Canall Plate: No. XIX.
Cannon: No. XIII.
Capitulation: No. XXI.
Capt: No. XX.
Captain Ardern: No. XX.
Captain Morgan: No. XXIII.
Capulles: No. XVI.
Cartes: No. XVI.
Cartt: No. XVI.
Case: No. XVIII.
Castle: No. 111., No. XIX.
Catesby: No. XIV.
Cathedral: No. X.
Cattle: No. XVII.
Cauntrie: No. XII.
Causeway: No. VII., No. XXII.
Cavaliers: No. XXIII.
Cavalry: No. XXIII.
Certainly: No. 111.
Champions: No. XX.
Chancel: No. X.
Chancellor: No. XIX., No. XXII.
Chantre Priest: No. IX., No. XII.
Chapel: No. IX., No. VI., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XXI.
Chappel: No. XII.
Chappell: No. IX., No. XIX.
Charge: No. VII.
Charles: No. V., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Charles Chadwick: No. XIX.
Charnel: No. XIII.
Charnock: No. VII., No. XVIII.
Charter: No. I.
Chaunsell Haworden: No. X.
Chauntrie: No. XII.
Chcape: No. XVII.
Cheap: No. XVII.
Cheapinge Place: No. XVII.
Cheapside: No. XVII.
Chepe: No. XVII.
Cherrie: No. XVIII.
Cheshire: No. 1., No. 111., No. I., No. IV., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXII.
Cheshyre: No. IX.
Chesshyre: No. XVIII.
Chester: No. I., No. IX., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXIII.
Chester Castle: No. XIX.
Chief: No. XIX.
Child: No. XIX.
Child Yard: No. XVIII.
Childe: No. XIX.
Chirche: No. XV.
Cholmondeley: No. VIII.
Christian: No. VI.
Christmas: No. I., No. XIII.
Chronicle: No. VII., No. XVIII.
Chronicles: No. VII.
Chur: No. XIII.
Church: No. IX., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XX., No. XXI.
Church Streeec: No. XII.
Church Streete Sf: No. XII.
Churche: No. IX., No. XIV.
Churches: No. IX., No. XIII.
Churchwarden: No. XIII.
Churchwardens: No. XIII.
Churchyard: No. XIII.
Churetustreet: No. XII.
Churstile: No. XIII.
Cicely: No. XII.
Cistercian Abbey: No. 111.
City: No. XXIII.
Civil War: No. XXIII.
Claim: No. VI.
Clap: No. XXI.
Clarke: No. IX., No. XIII.
Clergymen: No. XIII.
Clerks: No. IX.
Clifton: No. VI.
Clisson: No. 111.
Clodds: No. XVI., No. XVII.
Closett: No. XVIII.
Cock: No. IX., No. XIX.
Codnor: No. VI.
Codnor Castle: No. VI.
Coffer: No. IX.
Col: No. XVIII., No. XXI.
Col Richard: No. 2.
Collection: No. VIII.
Collects: No. IX.
College: No. IX.
Collier: No. XIX.
Colonel Booth: No. XXI.
Colonel Graham: No. VIII.
Colonel John Booth: No. XXI.
Colonel Lambert: No. XXIII.
Colonel Lilburn: No. XXIII.
Colonel Norris: No. XXI.
Committee: No. XXI.
Common: No. VII.
Commons: No. XXI.
Commonwealth: No. XI.
Company: No. XIII.
Compass: No. XIII.
Conclusion: No. XXIII.
Conference: No. XXIII.
Congleton: No. 2.
Connected: No. 111.
Conqueror: No. 111., No. I., No. XVIII.
Conquest: No. X., No. XVIII.
Constable: No. XIII.
Constables: No. XVI.
Contests: No. VII.
Continuation: No. XVI.
Continuing: No. XXI.
Contribution: No. XIX.
Corn Market: No. XVIII.
Corne: No. XVI.
Corne Market: No. XIII.
Cost: No. VII.
Costes: No. IX.
Cote: No. X.
Could: No. V.
Counsell: No. XIII.
Countess De Montfort: No. 111.
Countrey: No. XIX.
Court: No. XVI., No. XVIII.
Court House: No. XVIII.
Courthouse: No. XVIII.
Covenant: No. IX.
Credo: No. IX.
Cresebrook: No. XV.
Crimson: No. V.
Croft: No. XXI.
Cromwell: No. 2., No. XXI., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Cromwelliana: No. XXI.
Crophill: No. I.
Crypt: No. XI.
Culloden: No. XVIII.
Cumberland: No. VIII., No. XX.
Cunstable: No. VIII.
Cunstables: No. VIII.
Curate: No. IX.
Curious Extract: No. XIX.
Curious Inventory: No. XVIII.
Customes Statutes: No. XVI.
Customs Statutes: No. XV.
Dagger Hanger: No. IX.
Daily Expellees: No. VII.
Dame Cecill: No. XIV.
Dame Ellen: No. VI.
Danegeld: No. I.
Danes: No. I.
Darby: No. V.
Dated: No. XIV.
David Lesley: No. XXII.
Day: No. XX.
De Villers: No. I.
De Villers Transfer: No. I.
Dec: No. XIII.
December: No. I., No. VIII., No. XXI.
Decorated English: No. X.
Decorum: No. XIII.
Decreed: No. 111.
Deeds Schedules: No. IX.
Defeat: No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Delaying: No. XXII.
Delucs: No. XII.
Delves: No. X., No. XII.
Denbigh: No. XIX.
Deputy Lieutenants: No. XXI.
Derby: No. I., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Derbyshire: No. XVIII.
Deus: No. IX.
Diocesse: No. XIX.
Dirige: No. IX.
Discretissimus: No. XVIII.
Disley Church: No. VI.
Dispute: No. XXI.
Disputed Claim: No. VI.
Dissolution: No. XIV.
Divine Service: No. XIX.
Doctor Shaw: No. XIV.
Doddington: No. VIII.
Dodleston: No. VII., No. XIV.
Dodsworth: No. V., No. VI., No. XII.
Domini Petri Legh: No. VI.
Donec: No. XIX.
Doomsday Book: No. I., No. X.
Doomsday Survey: No. I.
Dorothy: No. XII.
Doubts: No. XII.
Dr: No. 111., No. XVII., No. XVIII.
Dr Kuerden: No. VII.
Dragoons: No. XXIII.
Drank: No. XIX.
Drapers Boothes: No. XVII.
Drinking: No. IX.
Drunken Barnaby: No. XIX.
Duchy: No. X.
Duchy Records: No. XV.
Duchy Seal: No. V.
Duddeley: No. X., No. XV.
Duke: No. VIII., No. XXI.
Dulwich College: No. XIX.
Dunham Massey: No. XIX., No. XXIII.
During: No. I.
Dutch: No. XVIII.
Dutton: No. IV., No. X., No. XII.
Eagle: No. XVIII.
Earl: No. I., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XIV., No. XV., No. XX., No. XXIII.
Earl Ferdinand: No. VII.
Earl Simon: No. I.
Earle: No. V., No. VII., No. VIII.
Earliest Buildings: No. XVIII.
Earls: No. VII., No. X.
Early Boteler Documents: No. 111.
East Window: No. X.
Easter: No. IX., No. XIII., No. XX.
Ecclesiastical History: No. X.
Eccleston: No. XXI.
Ed: No. XVII.
Edmond Ludlow: No. XXIII.
Edmundson: No. XII.
Edw: No. V.
Edward: No. 111., No. IV., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. X., No. XII., No. XIV., No. XVII.
Edward Alleyn: No. XIX.
Edward Bridgeman: No. XXI.
Edward Butler: No. X., No. XV., No. XVIII.
Edward Kebell: No. X.
Edward Keble: No. XIII.
Edward Owen: No. XIII.
Edward Stanley: No. XIX.
Edwards: No. X.
Eight: No. I.
Eighth: No. XIV.
Elene: No. VI.
Elfin: No. X.
Elfwin: No. X.
Elhill Moor: No. 1.
Eliz: No. XII.
Elizabeth: No. 111., No. IV., No. X., No. XVII.
Ellen: No. VI., No. XII., No. XIV.
Ellen Savage: No. VI.
Elsewhere: No. XX.
Encycl: No. XI.
End: No. 111.
Enemy: No. XXI.
Engagement: No. XXII.
England: No. 111., No. I., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXII.
English: No. I., No. IX., No. VIII., No. XIX.
Englishman: No. XXI.
Englishmen: No. 111.
Entertainment: No. XIII.
Erle: No. V.
Esq: No. IV., No. V., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XI., No. XIX., No. XVIII.
Esqrs: No. XVIII.
Esquire: No. I.
Est Window: No. X.
Eton College: No. XVIII.
Eucharist: No. I.
Evangelists: No. XII.
Evans: No. VIII.
Eve: No. XII., No. XX.
Even: No. VII.
Evening: No. XIII.
Eventually: No. XX.
Evesham: No. I.
Except: No. IX.
Exin: No. XVI.
Expedition: No. XXII.
Extract: No. 111.
Extracted: No. XX.
Extracts: No. IX., No. XIII.
Eyburic: No. XIII.
Eyrcs: No. VIII.
Fables: No. XVIII.
Fairs: No. I., No. XV.
Famelesburye: No. I.
Family: No. I.
Famous: No. VIII.
Faouet: No. 111.
Farewell: No. VIII.
Fearnhead: No. XV.
Feast: No. IX., No. XIV.
Feasts: No. IX.
Feb: No. 111., No. IV., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. XIII.
February: No. VII.
Feby: No. XIII.
Fennel: No. XII., No. XVII.
Feoffees: No. IX.
Feriall: No. IX.
Feriall Litany: No. IX.
Ferrye: No. VII.
Feudal System: No. I.
Ffyrstethat: No. VI.
Field: No. VII.
Field Officers: No. VIII.
First: No. IX.
Fisheries: No. XV.
Fishing: No. XV.
Fleetwood: No. XXII.
Flemish: No. XVIII.
Fliz: No. XVII.
Flodden: No. VIII.
Floden Field: No. VIII.
Floodan Field: No. VIII.
Flower: No. I.
Foiled: No. XXIII.
Foote: No. VII.
For: No. I., No. V., No. XIV., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXII.
Ford: No. VII.
Forest Perambulation: No. I., No. IV.
Forlorn: No. 2.
Former: No. VII.
Formerly: No. XII., No. XIII.
Forsooth: No. VIII.
Fort: No. 2.
Fosbroke: No. 111., No. XI.
Foundation Deed: No. IX.
Four: No. 2.
Four Thousand: No. XXI.
Fourth: No. XIV.
Fox: No. XIII.
Fox Tavern: No. XVII.
Fragments: No. I., No. XIX.
France: No. 111., No. VIII., No. XIX.
Franchises: No. IX.
Fraud: No. VII.
Free: No. IX.
Free Grammar: No. X.
Free Grammar Schcol: No. XII.
Free Grammar School: No. IX., No. VII., No. XII.
Free Grammar Schools: No. IX.
Free School: No. IX.
French: No. 111.
Freres Augustine: No. XV.
Frerys: No. XIV.
Friar: No. 111., No. XIV.
Friar Church: No. XIV.
Friars: No. XIV.
Friday: No. I., No. IX.
Frodsam Sir Jno: No. XIX.
Froissarfs Chronic: No. 111.
Froissart: No. 111.
From: No. V., No. XI., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XVIII., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
From Hibchester: No. VIII.
From Poulton: No. VIII.
From Warton: No. VIII.
From Widdicar: No. VIII.
From Wiggan: No. VIII.
Fryars: No. XIV.
Fuller: No. XIV.
Fylde: No. 111., No. XXIII.
Gallery: No. XIII.
Gallow: No. XXI.
Gallows Acre: No. 111.
Gallows Croft: No. 111.
Gallum: No. XIX.
Games: No. IX., No. XIX.
Garrison: No. XXIII.
Garter: No. XVIII.
Gate: No. XVII.
Gawen: No. I.
General Lambert: No. XXII., No. XXIII.
General Wolfe: No. XXI.
Gentlemen: No. XXIII.
Genuine Account: No. XX.
Geo: No. XII.
George: No. X.
George Inn: No. XVII.
George Kenyon: No. I.
George Legh: No. VIII.
Gerard: No. I.
German: No. XX.
Gernons: No. I.
Gerord Quarterly Ar: No. X.
Gerrard: No. X., No. XXI.
Gerrards: No. XIX.
Ghaebroolf: No. XII.
Giles Fairclough: No. XIII.
Given: No. XIX.
Go: No. XIV.
God: No. VI., No. VII., No. XIX., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Godefridus: No. I.
Goe: No. XVII.
Golden: No. XVII., No. XVIII.
Goliath: No. XIX.
Good Bishop Wilson: No. XVIII.
Grain: No. XVII.
Grammar: No. IX.
Grammar School: No. IX.
Grappenhall: No. VII., No. XIV.
Gray: No. V.
Graye: No. V.
Great Sankey: No. XVIII.
Green: No. XIV.
Greenwich: No. XIX.
Gregson: No. XIX.
Groby: No. IV.
Gu: No. X.
Gylbert: No. I.
Had: No. V.
Hadock: No. X.
Hale: No. XIX., No. XVIII.
Halewood: No. XVIII.
Hall: No. IV.
Halton Park: No. XIX.
Hamilton: No. XXI.
Handle Blundeville: No. VII.
Handle Brereton: No. XII.
Hanley: No. VI.
Harleian: No. VIII., No. XIX.
Harrison: No. 1., No. 2., No. XXII.
Hashton: No. VIII.
Hastings: No. I.
Havffe Oldshaw: No. XVII.
Having: No. 1., No. XXIII.
Hawarden: No. IX.
Haworden: No. X.
Haworth Moor: No. 1.
Hazard: No. VII.
Hazle Moor: No. 1.
He: No. I., No. IV., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVIII., No. XXIII.
Heart: No. VII.
Heirs: No. XIII.
Helen: No. X.
Hell: No. XXII.
Hemp: No. XVII.
Hempyards: No. XVII.
Hen: No. IV.
Hence: No. XVII.
Henceforward: No. XIII.
Hennebon: No. 111.
Henr: No. XIV.
Henry: No. 111., No. I., No. VI., No. XIV., No. XV., No. XVII., No. XVIII.
Henry Alderson: No. XVII.
Henry Byrom: No. VII.
Henry Kighley: No. XII.
Henrye Woderoffe: No. XIII.
Henslowe: No. XIX.
Here: No. IV., No. VII., No. XV., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XXI., No. XXII.
Hereford: No. VII.
Hermit: No. XIV.
Hermit Fryers: No. XIV.
Heroes: No. VIII.
Herse: No. IX.
Hibernia: No. XVIII.
Hie Church: No. X.
High Legh: No. XIX.
High Sheriff: No. XXI.
Hill: No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XXI.
His: No. I., No. VIII., No. X., No. XII., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XVIII.
Hist: No. XXII.
History: No. 111., No. I., No. VII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XXII.
History Lancashire: No. V.
Holcroft: No. XIV.
Holes: No. XXII.
Holland: No. XIV.
Holme: No. XII.
Holt: No. VI.
Holy: No. IX.
Holyday: No. IX.
Holydays: No. XIX.
Holyn Fare Passage: No. I.
Holyrood: No. V.
Hon: No. XIII.
Horace Powys: No. XIII.
Horse: No. XXI.
Horseback: No. VII.
Horses: No. XXI.
Hosavs Warrington: No. XX.
Hospital: No. XV.
Houcroft: No. V.
Houghton: No. XVII.
Houghton Castle: No. XIX.
Houley: No. XVI.
House: No. VII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
How: No. XXII.
Howley: No. XVI.
Hugh Boteler Thomas More: No. XIV.
Hull: No. XIII.
Humphrey Patten: No. XVIII.
Humphry Patten: No. XVIII.
Hutt: No. XIX., No. XVIII.
Id: No. XIV.
Idem Petrus: No. VI.
If: No. XII., No. XVIII.
Immediately: No. XV.
Imprimis: No. XV., No. XVIII.
In: No. 111., No. 2., No. I., No. IV., No. IX., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVIII., No. XXI., No. XXII.
In Butlers Chappell: No. XII.
In Whitworth: No. VIII.
Incumbents: No. XIII.
Indeed: No. 111., No. IV., No. XXI., No. XXII.
Indenture: No. IX.
Indentures: No. IX.
Infantry: No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Inhabitant: No. XX.
Inhabitaunts: No. XIV.
Inn: No. XXIII.
Innkeeps: No. XVI.
Insurrection: No. XXIII.
Interludes: No. XIX.
Interrupte: No. XIV.
Ire: No. XIX.
Ireland: No. XI., No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XVIII.
Irelands: No. XIX.
Irwell: No. VIII., No. XX.
Isabell: No. XII.
Isabella: No. VI.
Isle: No. XI., No. XIII., No. XXIII.
Isobell: No. IV.
Issues: No. IX.
It: No. I., No. IV., No. IX., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Item: No. IX., No. VIII., No. XIII., No. XV., No. XVI., No. XVII., No. XVIII.
Item Nutmeekes: No. XVIII.
Item Poulering: No. XVIII.
Item Squirte: No. XVIII.
Item Tyers: No. XVIII.
Itinerary: No. XIX.
Its: No. IV., No. XI., No. XV.
Ivory: No. XIV., No. XVIII.
James: No. I., No. VI., No. XIX., No. XX.
James Holt: No. VII.
James Stanley: No. XIII.
Jan: No. 111., No. I., No. XIII.
Jane: No. XVIII.
Jane Brooke: No. XVIII.
Jane Eccleston: No. XXI.
Jett: No. XVIII.
Jhon Ashton: No. XVII.
Jhon Aspinad: No. XVII.
Jo: No. 111., No. XII.
Job: No. 111.
Johannes: No. XVIII.
Johannis Savage Militis: No. VI.
John: No. 111., No. IV., No. VI., No. VIII., No. XIV.
John Ashton: No. XIX.
John Ashworth: No. XIII.
John Blackburn: No. VIII.
John Blackburne: No. XIX.
John Booth: No. XVIII.
John Butler: No. XII., No. XIII.
John Cawdwall: No. XIV.
John Fitchett: No. V.
John Haddon: No. XIII.
John Ireland: No. XIX.
John Ireland Blackburne: No. VIII.
John Jeffreys: No. XIX.
John Middleton: No. XIX.
John Robinson: No. VIII.
John Savage: No. VI.
John Th: No. IX.
Jordan: No. VII.
Joseph Wagstaff: No. VII.
Joseph Ward: No. XIII.
Josiah Uicroft: No. XX.
Journal: No. XIX.
Judge Jeffreys: No. XIX.
Judges: No. VII.
July: No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XXI.
Jun: No. 2., No. XXI.
June: No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XX., No. XXI.
Jurie: No. XVI.
Jurisdiction: No. XV.
Kenilworth: No. XV.
Kenion: No. I.
Kfkoppell: No. XII.
Kibblesdale: No. XXI.
Kine: No. XVI.
King: No. VII., No. VIII., No. XII., No. XIX., No. XXI.
King Charles: No. XXIII.
King Edward: No. 111., No. I., No. V., No. XIV.
King Henry: No. IV., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XIV.
King Henry Vlll: No. XII.
King James: No. XIX., No. XVIII.
King John: No. I.
King Richard: No. XIV.
King William: No. 111.
Knt: No. XII.
Knutsford: No. 2.
Knutsford Moor: No. 2.
Ksq: No. XII.
Kuerden: No. 111., No. VII.
Kyhley: No. VIII.
La: No. V.
Laburd: No. I.
Ladie: No. XVI.
Ladie Daie: No. XIII.
Lady: No. IX., No. V., No. XII., No. XXIII.
Lady Botiller: No. XII.
Lady Cecilia Butler: No. X.
Lady Isabell: No. IV.
Lady Isabell Boteler: No. IV.
Lady Isobell: No. IV.
Lady Margaret Botiller: No. VI.
Ladye: No. VI.
Lafham: No. VIII.
Lambert: No. 1., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Lancashire: No. I., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Lancashyre: No. IX.
Lancaster: No. 1., No. 111., No. I., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XX., No. XXI.
Lancastershyre: No. V.
Lancasteryre: No. V.
Land: No. XIII., No. XVI.
Landes: No. XVI.
Lands: No. IX., No. VI., No. VII., No. XVI.
Lane: No. XVII., No. XVIII.
Lastly: No. I.
Latchford: No. I., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XIV.
Latchford Causeway: No. XXII.
Later Members: No. X.
Lather: No. XV.
Lathom: No. V., No. VI., No. VII.
Lathome: No. XIX.
Latin: No. I., No. IX., No. XIX.
Latohford Causeway: No. XXII.
Laton: No. 111.
Law: No. VII., No. XIX.
Lawrence: No. VII.
Leete: No. XVI.
Legend: No. IV.
Legh: No. VI., No. X., No. XII.
Legh Arms: No. XVIII.
Leghs: No. VI.
Leicester: No. I., No. X., No. XV.
Leicester Miraculous Cures: No. I.
Leigh: No. XXIII.
Leland: No. XV.
Les Memoires: No. XXIII.
Lett: No. XXI.
Letter: No. XX.
Leyland: No. I.
Liberties: No. XVI.
Library: No. IX., No. X.
Lichfield: No. X.
Lieutenant: No. XXI.
Life: No. 2., No. XXI., No. XXII.
Like: No. IV.
Lincoln: No. XVIII.
List: No. XIII., No. XV.
Little: No. XVIII.
Little Boothes: No. XVII., No. XVIII.
Little Corn Market: No. XVIII.
Liverpool: No. I., No. IV., No. XXI.
Local Traditions: No. XXI.
Lodginge: No. XVI.
London: No. I., No. IX., No. V., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
London Road: No. 2.
Longford Bridge: No. VII.
Lord: No. 1., No. 2., No. VIII., No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVI., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXII.
Lord Archbishop: No. XIII.
Lord Boteler: No. 111.
Lord Capell: No. XXI.
Lord Chamberlain: No. XIX.
Lord Chancellor: No. XVIII.
Lord Charles: No. 111.
Lord Clarendon: No. XXII.
Lord God: No. IX., No. VII., No. X.
Lord Grey: No. VI.
Lord Lilford: No. 111., No. I., No. XIV., No. XIX.
Lord Louis: No. 111.
Lord Louise: No. 111.
Lord Sauadge: No. XIX.
Lord Stanley: No. V., No. VI.
Lord Strange: No. XX.
Lorde Godd: No. I.
Lordes: No. XV.
Lordes Officers: No. XV.
Lords: No. XV., No. XVI.
Lords Officers: No. XVI.
Love: No. XIX.
Lovel: No. XIV.
Lovely Lane: No. XXI.
Low Dutch: No. XVIII.
Lyme: No. VI.
Magdalen College: No. XVIII.
Maiestie: No. XIII.
Maintenance: No. VII.
Majesty: No. VII., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Majesty King James: No. XIX.
Major: No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Man: No. VII., No. X., No. XVIII., No. XXIII.
Manchester: No. 1., No. I., No. IX., No. V., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XV., No. XX.
Manchester College Library: No. 111.
Manchester Courier: No. I., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Manchester Magazine: No. VIII.
Manchesterians: No. XX.
Manchestrians: No. XX., No. XXI.
Mannor: No. IV.
Manorial Rights: No. 111.
Manuscript Survey: No. XV.
Many Hours: No. XXI.
Many Infantry: No. XXIII.
Mar: No. IX., No. VIII., No. X., No. XI., No. XIII.
March: No. 2., No. XII., No. XIV.
Marckett Gate: No. XVII.
Margarelt Boteler: No. IX.
Margaret: No. V., No. VI., No. VIII., No. XII., No. XIX.
Margaret Baldwyn: No. XIX.
Margaret Ireland: No. XIX.
Margaret Stanley: No. V.
Margareta: No. XII.
Margarete: No. XII.
Margarett: No. IX.
Margery: No. I., No. XII.
Margnrete Butler Yidue: No. XII.
Margret: No. XII.
Market: No. I., No. XV., No. XVII., No. XVIII.
Market Gate: No. VII.
Marketh: No. XVII.
Marketh Yate: No. 111.
Markets: No. XVII.
Marks: No. V.
Marmion: No. VIII.
Marshes: No. VII.
Marsie: No. XIX.
Martin: No. XIV.
Mary: No. XII.
Mary Patten: No. XVIII.
Mary Queen: No. V., No. X.
Masse: No. IX.
Masses: No. IX.
Massey: No. XII., No. XIII., No. XXIII.
Massy: No. XII.
Master: No. IX.
Master Thomas Molyneux: No. X.
Matt: No. XIII.
Matthew: No. I.
Matthew Gregson: No. I., No. XIX.
May: No. VI., No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXI.
Meet: No. XIV.
Memoirs: No. XIX.
Memorandum: No. I.
Men: No. XXI.
Mensis Maii Anno Domini Millessimo: No. VI.
Mention: No. XII.
Mercers: No. XVII.
Mercy: No. VI.
Mere Esqr: No. VIII.
Merse: No. I., No. VII.
Mersey: No. 111., No. I., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVII.
Mersy: No. VII.
Message: No. XXI.
Michael Johnston: No. XIII.
Michaelmas: No. IX., No. XI., No. XIII.
Michalmas: No. XIII., No. XVI.
Middleton: No. VIII., No. XIX.
Mihi: No. XIX.
Military Service: No. XV.
Millin Selby: No. VII.
Mills: No. 111.
Mistress: No. XXIII.
Molineux: No. XX.
Molyneu: No. XIII.
Molyneux: No. X.
Monasticon: No. V.
Monday: No. IV.
Money: No. XIII.
Montfort: No. I.
Monum: No. XIX.
Monuments: No. X., No. XII.
Moot: No. XXI.
Moot Hill: No. I., No. XXI.
More Yard: No. XV.
Morning: No. 1., No. VIII., No. XXI.
Morris: No. XIX.
Mr: No. I., No. IX., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XX.
Mr Ashworth: No. XIII.
Mr Butler: No. X.
Mr Ireland: No. X.
Mr Richard Delves: No. X.
Mr William Savage: No. V.
Mrs: No. VII., No. XIX., No. XVIII.
Much: No. XII.
Murder: No. V., No. VI.
Mussey: No. XII.
My Lord: No. 1.
My Mrs: No. XVIII.
Mynde: No. IX., No. VII.
Namptwich: No. XXI.
Nantwich: No. XX.
Nativity: No. IX.
Nave: No. XI.
Nay: No. X.
New Yard: No. XV.
Newchurch: No. XVIII.
Newton: No. I., No. XIX., No. XXI.
Next: No. XVIII.
Nicholas Taylor: No. XIII.
Nield: No. VII.
No: No. I., No. XI., No. XIII., No. XIX.
None: No. VII.
Nor: No. IV.
Norcort: No. XIV.
Norman: No. I.
Norrey Kingc: No. I.
Norris: No. V., No. VII.
Norris Yard: No. XV.
North: No. XXIII.
North Wales: No. XX.
Northampton: No. 111.
Northumberland: No. X.
Northumbria: No. X.
Northwich: No. XX.
Norton: No. XIV., No. XV.
Note: No. I., No. XIX., No. XX.
Notices: No. XIX.
Nottingham: No. I., No. XX.
Nottinghamshire: No. I., No. XX.
Notum: No. XV.
Notwithstanding: No. XIX.
Nov: No. XIII.
November: No. I., No. X., No. XIII.
Now: No. XV.
Occurrence: No. V.
Oct: No. XIII.
October: No. I., No. XX., No. XXIII.
Octobris: No. XVII.
Of: No. I., No. IV., No. VIII., No. X., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XV., No. XXIII.
Of Henry: No. 111.
Offensive: No. XIX.
Office: No. XIX.
Officers: No. VIII., No. XVI., No. XXI.
Oh: No. 2.
Old Ballads: No. VIII.
Old Sit Henry: No. VIII.
Old Town Hall: No. XVIII.
Old Yard: No. XV.
Oliver Bordsley: No. XIV.
On: No. 111., No. IV., No. VI., No. VII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XXI., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
On Monday: No. XX.
On Saturday: No. XX.
On Trinity Sunday: No. XX.
One: No. VII., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XVIII.
Opposed General Lambert: No. XXII.
Opposite: No. XVII.
Or: No. VIII.
Orate: No. VI., No. XII.
Order: No. XIV., No. XVIII.
Ordered: No. XIII.
Orford: No. VII., No. XIX.
Orford Esq: No. VIII.
Original Order: No. VIII.
Originally: No. XVII.
Ormerod: No. VII., No. XII.
Ornaments: No. IX.
Osmundus: No. I.
Oswald King: No. X.
Other: No. XVIII.
Otter: No. XIII.
Our: No. XIX.
Our Circuit: No. XIX.
Our Declaration: No. XIX.
Our Judges: No. XIX.
Our Justices: No. XIX.
Our Mannour: No. XIX.
Our Raigne: No. XIX.
Outrage: No. IV.
Outrages: No. XXI.
Over: No. VI., No. XVIII.
Overseer: No. 111.
Oxenn: No. XVI.
Oxford: No. V., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XVIII., No. XX.
Pach: No. XXI.
Padua: No. XIV.
Paganus: No. I.
Paganus Villers: No. I.
Page: No. XIII.
Palatines: No. XIX.
Papist: No. XX.
Papists: No. XIX., No. XX.
Parish: No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XXI.
Parish Charge: No. XIII.
Parish Church: No. IX., No. XI., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVIII.
Parish Churches: No. XIX.
Parish Kirk: No. IV.
Parish Register: No. 2., No. XIX.
Parke: No. IV., No. XIX.
Parks: No. I.
Parliament: No. 111., No. IV., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Parliamentarians: No. XXI.
Parson: No. IX.
Parson Curat: No. IX.
Parsonage: No. XIX.
Part: No. XX.
Parys: No. XVII.
Pasche: No. IX.
Pass: No. XXI.
Passage: No. VII.
Patine: No. XVIII.
Patron Saint: No. X.
Patten: No. VIII., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XVIII.
Pattens: No. XVIII.
Paynter: No. 111.
Peace: No. XIX.
Peals: No. IX.
Peeter Hatton: No. XX.
Penker: No. XIV.
Penketh: No. 111., No. X., No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XV.
Penketh Yard: No. XV.
Pentecost: No. IX.
People: No. VII., No. XIX.
Perambulation: No. XV., No. XVII.
Perhaps: No. V., No. XXII.
Permission: No. VII.
Perpetrators: No. VI.
Perthshire: No. XXII.
Peter: No. I., No. VI.
Peter Brook: No. VIII.
Peter Davies: No. XVIII.
Peter Legh: No. XVIII.
Peter Leigh: No. VI., No. XI.
Philip Henslowe: No. XIX.
Philippa: No. XIV.
Pictavensis: No. I.
Piers Legh: No. XII.
Pincerna: No. I., No. IV.
Pinfold: No. XVI.
Pinmakers Brow: No. XVII.
Piscina: No. X.
Placebo: No. IX.
Plot: No. XIX.
Plow: No. XVII.
Poem: No. V.
Poictou: No. I., No. XV.
Pont: No. VIII.
Pontefract: No. 111.
Pope Alexander: No. XIV.
Popish: No. X.
Porches: No. XI.
Portfolio: No. I.
Potation: No. IX.
Poulton: No. XIII.
Pound: No. XVI.
Pray: No. VI., No. XII., No. XX.
Prelate: No. XVIII.
Presbyterian: No. XXIII.
Presbyterians: No. XXIII.
Prescot: No. XXI.
Preste: No. IX.
Preston: No. 1., No. VIII., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Pretender: No. IV., No. VIII.
Priest: No. IX., No. VI.
Priest Schoolmaster: No. IX.
Priests: No. IX.
Prince Charles: No. IV.
Prior: No. 111., No. I., No. VIII.
Priory: No. XIV., No. XV.
Procure: No. XVIII.
Profits: No. IX., No. XV.
Prohibiting: No. XIX.
Proofs: No. V., No. VII.
Protestant: No. X.
Protestants: No. XX.
Provided: No. IX.
Providence Improved: No. XX.
Puritanes: No. XIX.
Purveyance: No. VII.
Qhtsj: No. XII.
Quales: No. XVIII.
Quarter: No. IX., No. XXI.
Quarterly: No. X., No. XII.
Queen Elizabeth: No. IV., No. VI., No. X., No. XII., No. XV., No. XXI.
Queen Mary: No. XII., No. XV.
Queenes: No. XVI.
Quire: No. IX., No. X.
Quo Warranto: No. 111.
Radulfus: No. I.
Ralph: No. I.
Ralph Barnes: No. XIX.
Ralphe Standishe: No. XI.
Randle Holme: No. XII., No. XIV.
Randle Sonkey: No. XIV.
Randle Sonky: No. VIII.
Ranulph: No. I.
Raygne: No. XIV.
Rd Bould: No. XII.
Re: No. XVII.
Realme: No. XV.
Rebell: No. XXII.
Rebellion: No. XXII.
Rebuilding: No. XIII.
Receptor: No. XVI.
Receptors: No. XVI.
Records: No. X., No. XIII.
Recreation: No. XIX.
Recreations: No. XIX.
Rector: No. XIX.
Rectors: No. XIII.
Rectory: No. VII.
Recusants: No. XIX.
Red Bank: No. XXI.
Reformation: No. XI.
Regiments: No. XXIII.
Reign: No. XV.
Religion: No. XIX.
Remarks: No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XXI.
Remayninge: No. XVIII.
Rendezvous: No. XX.
Repair: No. VI., No. XIII.
Repaired: No. VIII.
Report: No. IV.
Requiem: No. IX.
Resolution: No. XXI.
Resolved: No. XXIII.
Resuming: No. XV.
Rev: No. VII., No. XIX.
Ribbel: No. I.
Ribble: No. I.
Ric: No. XIV.
Rich Ann Malsye: No. XII.
Richard: No. 111., No. I., No. VII., No. XIV.
Richard Abram: No. VII.
Richard Atherton: No. IV.
Richard Bould: No. XVIII.
Richard Brathwaite: No. XIX.
Richard Delves: No. XIII.
Richard Massey: No. XIX.
Richard Massie: No. XI.
Richard Patten: No. XVIII.
Richard Penketh: No. XIX.
Richard Slawright: No. XIV.
Richarde: No. XVII.
Richarde Highfield: No. XVII.
Richurde: No. XVII.
Rickman: No. X.
Rigby: No. XXI.
Right: No. VI., No. VII.
Right Hon: No. I.
Righteous: No. I.
River: No. VII., No. XIX., No. XXIII.
River Mersey: No. VII., No. XV.
Rivers: No. XIX.
Rivos: No. XIX.
Rixton: No. XV., No. XVIII.
Rizzio: No. V.
Road: No. VII.
Rob: No. 111., No. XIV.
Robert: No. 111., No. VII., No. XIII.
Robert Atherton Rawstorne: No. XIII.
Robert Buckley: No. XII.
Robert Duddeley: No. X.
Robert Nield: No. VII.
Robert Sneyde: No. IX.
Robert Weritone: No. 111.
Robert Werrintone: No. 111.
Robert Yates: No. XIII.
Robt: No. 111.
Roby: No. VI.
Rochdale: No. VIII.
Roche Perion: No. 111.
Rock Sauadge: No. XIX.
Rocksavage: No. VI., No. XIX.
Roger: No. I., No. XIV., No. XV.
Roger Dodsworth: No. V., No. VII.
Roger Pictavensis: No. I.
Rogerus: No. I.
Rolls: No. IV.
Roman: No. VIII.
Romish: No. X.
Rouffe: No. XIV.
Ruin: No. XV.
Rules: No. XIV.
Runcorn: No. I., No. VII.
Rundell Pole: No. IX.
Sa: No. X.
Sacerdotem: No. VI.
Sacrament: No. XIII.
Sacramentalls: No. XIII.
Saint Elfin: No. I.
Sainte Gregorie: No. IX.
Sale: No. X., No. XIX., No. XVIII.
Salford: No. I.
Samuel Ellison: No. XIII.
Samuel Shaw: No. XIII.
Sanchi: No. I.
Sanctus: No. IX.
Sankey: No. 111., No. I., No. VII., No. XV., No. XX.
Sankey Bridges: No. XXI.
Sankey Brook: No. XVII.
Sankeys: No. VIII.
Sanki: No. I.
Saturday: No. VIII., No. XX.
Sauadge: No. XIX.
Saule: No. IX.
Saxon: No. I., No. X.
Scholar: No. IX.
Scholars: No. IX.
Schole: No. IX.
School: No. IX., No. X., No. XVII.
Schoolm: No. IX.
Schoolmaster: No. IX.
Schoolmasterr: No. IX.
Schoolmasters: No. IX.
Scone: No. XXII.
Scotch: No. VIII., No. XVIII.
Scotist: No. XIV.
Scotland: No. XIX., No. XXI., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Scotland Bank: No. XXI.
Scots: No. V., No. VIII., No. X., No. XXI., No. XXII.
Scots Army: No. XXI.
Scottish: No. XXI.
Scrvt: No. 2.
Scyt: No. XIV.
Seat: No. XIX.
Sed: No. XIX.
Sedilia: No. X.
See: No. I., No. VII., No. XVII.
Seigniories: No. VI.
Sept: No. I., No. VIII., No. XIII., No. XXIII.
September: No. I., No. XX.
Sequestration: No. XXI.
Seruice: No. XIX.
Seruices: No. XIX.
Servant: No. 1.
Sexton: No. XIII.
Sf Esubell: No. XVII.
Sfc: No. XVII.
Shakspeare: No. XIV.
Shakspeare Society: No. XIX.
Sheepe: No. XVI.
Sheffield: No. XIII.
Sherlock: No. XVIII.
Shrewsbury: No. 111., No. XV., No. XX.
Shropshire: No. XX.
Sibilla: No. 111., No. I.
Sidesmen: No. XIII.
Siege: No. XX., No. XXI.
Silche: No. VII.
Silliebouckes: No. XVIII.
Simon: No. I.
Simon Harwood: No. XIII.
Sir: No. 111., No. VIII., No. XII., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXIII.
Sir Aymery: No. 111.
Sir Aymery Clisson: No. 111.
Sir Bolde: No. VIII.
Sir Edward Stanley: No. VIII.
Sir George: No. XXIII.
Sir George Booth: No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Sir Gilbert Ireland: No. XIX.
Sir Heliseus: No. I.
Sir Jo: No. V.
Sir John: No. 111., No. IV., No. V., No. VI., No. XII.
Sir John Boteler: No. 111., No. IV.
Sir John Botiller: No. 111., No. V., No. VI., No. XII.
Sir John Butler: No. V.
Sir John Delves: No. VIII.
Sir John Le Botiller: No. 111.
Sir John Ligonier: No. VIII.
Sir John Savage: No. VI.
Sir Louis: No. 111.
Sir Matthew Trelawncy: No. 111.
Sir Matthew Trelawney: No. 111.
Sir Peers Legh: No. VI.
Sir Peter Lee: No. XIX.
Sir Peter Legh: No. VI.
Sir Peter Leigh: No. VI.
Sir Piers Dutton: No. IV.
Sir Piers Legh: No. VI.
Sir Ralph Ashton Barrt: No. VIII.
Sir Robert Duddeley: No. XII., No. XV., No. XVIII.
Sir Robert Duddely: No. IV.
Sir Thomas: No. IX., No. V., No. VI., No. VIII., No. X., No. XII., No. XIV.
Sir Thomas Boteler: No. IX., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XII., No. XIV.
Sir Thomas Botiler: No. VI.
Sir Thomas Butler: No. VI., No. X.
Sir Thomas Dutton: No. XIV.
Sir Thomas Ireland: No. VII., No. XIX.
Sir Thomas Savage: No. XIX.
Sir Thos: No. XIX.
Sir Walter Manny: No. 111.
Sir Walter Scott: No. V., No. VIII.
Sir William: No. 111., No. I., No. IV., No. XX.
Sir William Botiller: No. I.
Sir William Brereton: No. XX.
Sir William Dugdale: No. V.
Sir William Plumbtre: No. XIV.
Sir William Plumptre: No. IX.
Sir William Plumtre: No. XIV.
Sir Wm Norris: No. X.
Sir Wyllyam Plumtre: No. XIV.
Sirs: No. 111.
Sit William: No. I.
Skotes: No. VIII.
So: No. VIII., No. XI., No. XVIII.
Sockeye: No. VI.
Sodor: No. VII., No. XVIII.
Soldiers Prisoners: No. XXI.
Some: No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XVIII.
Song: No. IX.
Songe: No. VIII.
Sonke: No. VII.
Sonky: No. XVII.
Sonky Streete: No. XVII.
Sonkye Mouth: No. XV.
Sonkye Yard: No. XV.
Souraigne: No. XIV.
Southwark: No. VIII.
Southwood: No. X.
Southworth: No. VIII., No. XII.
Sovereign Lord King Henry: No. XIV.
Spain: No. 111.
Speaker: No. XXI.
Special: No. XIX.
Spectans: No. XIX.
Spencers: No. 111.
Spes: No. IX.
Sports: No. XIX.
Sr: No. VI., No. XI.
Sr John: No. V.
Sr John Butler: No. V.
Sr Peirs Levgh: No. V.
Sr Piers: No. V.
Sr Thomn: No. IX.
Sr Thos: No. IX.
St: No. 111., No. I., No. X., No. XII.
St Gregoris: No. IX.
St James: No. IV.
Stafford: No. XX.
Staffordshire: No. 1., No. XIX., No. XXI.
Stained Glass: No. X., No. XII.
Standard: No. XX.
Standley: No. V., No. VIII.
Stanlaw: No. 111.
Stanley: No. VII., No. XX., No. XXIII.
State: No. XIII.
Stations Norman: No. I.
Steeple: No. IX.
Stephen: No. XIV., No. XV.
Stewart: No. XIX.
Stipend: No. IX.
Stirrup: No. XVIII.
Stockton Heath: No. VII., No. XX.
Stocport: No. I.
Stone Bridge: No. VII.
Stop: No. VII.
Stow: No. XVIII.
Straitford: No. I.
Strete: No. XIV.
Subsequent Bridges: No. VIII.
Subsequently: No. I.
Such: No. XIX., No. XXIII.
Suffolk: No. XIX.
Suits: No. VII.
Sum: No. IX.
Summonses: No. 111.
Sunday: No. I., No. IX., No. XIV.
Sundayes: No. XIX.
Sundays: No. XIX.
Surrey: No. VIII.
Survey: No. XV., No. XX.
Susan Drinkwater: No. XVIII.
Sweetly: No. XIX.
Swine: No. XVI.
Table: No. IX.
Tales: No. XVI.
Tatton Esqr: No. VIII.
Taverne: No. XVI.
Tayle: No. XV.
Temple: No. XVII.
Ten: No. 111.
Tenants: No. XV.
Tenement: No. VII.
Tenure: No. XVII.
Terms: No. XXI.
Testimony: No. I.
Tetbaldus: No. I.
Tete: No. VIII.
That: No. 111., No. VII., No. XIII., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XX., No. XXI.
That Jas: No. 111.
The: No. 111., No. 2., No. I., No. IV., No. IX., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
The Boteler: No. XII.
The Brown Cow: No. XVII.
The Chancel: No. X.
The Church: No. XIII.
The Civil War: No. XX.
The Conquest: No. I.
The Court: No. XVIII.
The Danegeld: No. I.
The Earl: No. XIX., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
The Earle: No. VII.
The Friar Penker: No. XIV.
The House: No. XX.
The King: No. V.
The Lady Margaret Botiller: No. VI.
The Manchestrians: No. XX.
The Moot Hill: No. I.
The Old London Road: No. VII.
The Parish Church: No. X., No. XI., No. XII.
The Parish Registers: No. XIII.
The Parliamentarians: No. XX.
The Paroche Chirche: No. XV.
The Pattens: No. XVIII.
The People: No. VII.
The Sir Peers Legh: No. VI.
The Stanley: No. VIII.
The Town: No. XV.
The Uowt: No. 2.
Theaforenoon: No. XVI.
Their: No. 111., No. XVIII.
Thelwall: No. VII., No. XV.
Then: No. 111., No. V., No. XVII., No. XX.
Then Sir Aymery: No. 111.
Then Sir Walter: No. 111.
Then Sir Walter Mannv: No. 111.
Thence: No. XIX.
There: No. I., No. IV., No. V., No. VII., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XX., No. XXIII.
These: No. I., No. V., No. XII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVII.
They: No. I., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVIII., No. XX.
This: No. 111., No. 2., No. I., No. V., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XXI., No. XXII.
This Sir Peter: No. VI.
Tho: No. XII., No. XVIII.
Thomas: No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. XIV., No. XIX.
Thomas Amerie: No. XIII.
Thomas Bovdell: No. VII.
Thomas Brooke: No. XIX.
Thomas Butler: No. VI.
Thomas Cicely: No. XII.
Thomas Dutton: No. XIX.
Thomas Earl: No. 111.
Thomas Egerton: No. XIII.
Thomas Ellensworth: No. VII.
Thomas Holcroft: No. XIV.
Thomas Ireland: No. VII., No. XIX., No. XVIII.
Thomas Marbury: No. XIX.
Thomas Maria Wingfield: No. XIII.
Thomas Patten: No. XVIII.
Thomas Penketh: No. XIV.
Thomas Stanley: No. VII.
Thomas Turner: No. XVII.
Thomas Vere: No. VII.
Thomas Waddington: No. XVII.
Thomas Wilson: No. XVIII.
Thomas Wright: No. XVII.
Thos: No. IX., No. VI., No. VIII., No. X., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XVIII.
Those: No. V., No. XIII.
Though: No. 111., No. V., No. VII., No. X.
Thousand: No. XXI.
Three: No. XIII.
Thurgarton: No. I.
Thursday: No. IX., No. XXIII.
Thus: No. 111., No. I., No. VI., No. XI.
Tiios: No. 2.
Till: No. XIX.
Time: No. VII.
Tke Patten Family: No. XVIII.
To: No. I., No. IV., No. VII., No. VIII., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVIII., No. XXI., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
To Colonel Graham: No. VIII.
Toll: No. VI.
Tolls: No. XV.
Tomb: No. XII.
Topographical Excursion: No. XIX.
Torboke: No. XIV.
Torches: No. IX.
Towards: No. XVI.
Tower: No. XXIII.
Towesdale: No. XIV.
Towler: No. XVI.
Town: No. 111., No. XV., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Town Hall: No. XVII.
Towne: No. VIII., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVI., No. XVII.
Townes: No. XVI.
Townlev: No. VIII.
Townley: No. 111.
Towns: No. XIX.
Traces: No. XXI.
Tradition: No. V., No. XVII., No. XXI.
Traditions: No. VI.
Transfer: No. XV.
Translated: No. 111.
Travelers: No. XIX.
Travellers: No. XIX.
Travels: No. XIX.
Tree Grammar School: No. XII.
Trent: No. X.
Trentall: No. IX.
Trentalls: No. IX.
Trinity Chapel: No. XIII., No. XVIII.
Troops: No. XX., No. XXIII.
Trout: No. XII.
True: No. VIII.
Tuesday: No. XXIII.
Turning: No. VI.
Turves: No. XVI., No. XVII.
Twelve: No. XV., No. XVI., No. XVII.
Twelvemen: No. XV.
Two: No. XXI.
Two Thousand: No. XXI.
Tynne: No. XVIII.
Ubi: No. XIX.
Uliewise: No. XII.
Unbeneficed: No. XII.
Under: No. XII., No. XXI.
Unslain: No. VIII.
Until: No. IV.
Up: No. VII.
Upon: No. 111., No. 2., No. V., No. XV., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Uppon: No. XIII.
Uttoxeter: No. XXI.
Vale Royal: No. XIV.
Venables: No. XIX.
Veni Budworth: No. XIX.
Veni Warrington: No. XIX.
Very: No. XI.
Vestiges: No. V.
Vestry: No. XI.
Vestry Meeting: No. XXI.
Vestry Meetings: No. XIII.
Villers: No. I.
Virgin: No. XII.
Visit: No. XIX.
Vivian Molyneux: No. I.
Vixi: No. XIX.
Vylers: No. I.
Waddineton: No. VIII.
Waine: No. XVI.
Waines: No. XVI.
Wakefield: No. XVII.
Wales: No. XXIII.
Walintune: No. I.
Walter Hoape: No. 2.
Walton Yard: No. XV.
War: No. XXI.
Ward: No. XVI.
Wardship: No. VI.
Warin: No. IX.
Warington: No. XIII., No. XV., No. XVI.
Warinus: No. I.
Warn: No. IX.
Warrfngton: No. IX.
Warrington: No. 1., No. 111., No. I., No. IX., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVI., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Warrington Advertizer: No. VIII.
Warrington Bridge: No. 1., No. VII., No. XXII.
Warrington Ecclesia: No. XII.
Warrington Esqr: No. VIII.
Warrington Heath: No. XVII.
Warrington It: No. VII.
Warrington Library: No. XVIII.
Warrington Parish: No. IX.
Warrington Town: No. XXI.
Warryngton: No. VI.
Warwick: No. XV.
Was: No. I.
Wash: No. VII.
Watchmen: No. VIII.
Waters: No. VI.
Waynflete: No. XVIII.
We: No. 1., No. 2., No. I., No. IV., No. V., No. VI., No. VII., No. VIII., No. X., No. XI., No. XII., No. XIX., No. XVII., No. XVIII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Weaver: No. XIX.
Wednesday: No. I., No. IX.
Wee: No. XIX.
Weir: No. VII.
Well: No. VIII.
Welsh: No. 111.
Werburge: No. XIV.
Weringten: No. VII.
Werington: No. XIV.
Werinton: No. VII.
Werintone: No. 111., No. I.
Weritone: No. 111.
Weryngton: No. XIV.
Werynton: No. I., No. XVII.
Weryntone: No. I.
West Derby: No. I.
West End: No. XII.
Westm: No. XIV.
Westminster: No. 111., No. IV., No. XIV.
Westmoreland: No. X., No. XIII., No. XX., No. XXI.
Whalley: No. 111., No. IX.
Whally: No. 111.
What: No. 111., No. XIV., No. XVII.
When: No. VIII., No. XIV., No. XIX., No. XV., No. XVIII., No. XXI., No. XXII., No. XXIII.
When Charles: No. XX.
When Lord Charles: No. 111.
When Randle Holme: No. X.
When William: No. I.
Where: No. XIX., No. XVII.
Whereas: No. XIII.
Wherein: No. 1.
Whereunto: No. XIV.
Whereupon: No. V.
Wherever: No. XVII.
Whether: No. XIX.
Which: No. VII., No. X., No. XII.
Whilst: No. XVII., No. XXI.
Whitaker: No. 111., No. XVII.
White: No. XXI.
White Rabbit: No. IV.
Whitson Ales: No. XIX.
Whitsunday: No. XX.
Whitsuntide: No. XIII.
Widnes: No. I.
Wiff: No. IX.
Wigan: No. 1., No. XIX.
Wigan Lane: No. XXIII.
Wilgreve: No. XV.
Will: No. IX., No. XIV.
Willelmus: No. I., No. VII.
William: No. 111., No. I., No. IV., No. VI., No. VII., No. XIII., No. XV., No. XVIII.
William Beamont: No. VIII., No. XVIII.
William Booth: No. XIX.
William Earl: No. VII.
William Eltonhed: No. XIV.
William Farrington: No. XIII.
William Ferrars: No. IV.
William Fflower: No. I.
William Gillibrand: No. XIII.
William Poole: No. IV.
William Savage: No. VI.
William Stewart: No. XIX.
William Warde: No. XIII.
William Webb: No. XIX.
William Young: No. VIII.
Willm Savage: No. V.
Winchester: No. XVIII.
Wind: No. XVII.
Windebank: No. XX.
Window: No. XII.
Wine: No. XIII.
Winwick: No. VI., No. VII., No. XVIII., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Winwike: No. XIX.
Wiresdale: No. VIII.
With: No. I., No. VII., No. X., No. XIII., No. XVII., No. XX., No. XXI., No. XXIII.
Within: No. XVIII.
Wittington: No. IX.
Woe: No. VIII.
Wolly: No. 111.
Wolly John Ashar: No. 111.
Wolston: No. XIII.
Women: No. XIX.
Woolston: No. XV.
Worcester: No. XXII., No. XXIII.
Workmen: No. XIII.
Worshipful: No. IX.
Wyon: No. I.
Wyre: No. XXIII.
Yardfrid: No. I.
Yet: No. XIX., No. XVII.
York: No. XX.
Yorke: No. XIII.
Yorkshire: No. 111., No. XX.
Young Pretender: No. XVIII.
Your: No. 1., No. VIII., No. XXI.
